scholarly journals President Bolsonaro’s Promises and Actions on Corruption Control

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Lagunes ◽  
Gregory Michener ◽  
Fernanda Odilla ◽  
Breno Pires

Abstract Before the 2018 Brazilian presidential elections, candidate Jair Bolsonaro offered a bold message on corruption control. Among his promises, Bolsonaro vowed to promote government transparency, dismiss any member of his team accused of corruption, and defend the country’s institutions of accountability. Bolsonaro also offered to support a once-popular legislative reform proposal known as the Ten Measures Against Corruption. However, it is worth cautioning that anticorruption as a rhetorical device has been a near-permanent feature of the Brazilian political landscape. In this article, we seek to compare Bolsonaro’s campaign promises with his early actions as president. The evidence shows that, months after the 2018 elections, President Bolsonaro has failed the anticorruption mandate on which he was elected.

Subject Changes to the political landscape. Significance This year’s general election has transformed the political landscape that prevailed for over two decades in Brazil. The centre-right Social Democrats (PSDB) were pushed away from the mainstream by a surging far-right led by President-elect Jair Bolsonaro. After winning four straight presidential elections, the Workers’ Party (PT) was defeated in the runoff. It retains some leverage, but now faces increasingly serious challenges to its hegemony on the centre-left. Impacts Ineffective management of relations with Congress could undermine Bolsonaro’s ability to pass key legislation. Protest movements not aligned to established parties could proliferate in the coming years. Bolsonaro’s Social Liberal Party (PSL) will fail to establish itself as a leading party in the longer term.


Significance The move, designed to help meet IMF loan conditions, triggered two weeks of protests by indigenous movements, trade unions, students and others, which brought the country to a halt and threatened to topple the government. Heavy-handed police and military action exacerbated the violence, which resulted in hundreds of arrests and at least eight deaths. Moreno’s U-turn has put an end to the unrest for now but deep divisions (and IMF requirements) remain. Impacts Correa and his supporters will seize on Moreno’s inability to maintain order and his decision to back down in the face of protests. Indigenous groups will be emboldened by Moreno’s U-turn and will continue resisting key elements of the government’s economic programme. Relations with the IMF have returned to centre stage and will shape the political landscape as the 2021 presidential elections approach.


2012 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rui Graça Feijó

Timor-Leste rose to independence following a path that included three electoral processes organized under the auspices of the UN and has thus got elections imprinted on its own genetic code. After independence, the responsibility for electoral processes – a key aspect of the sovereignty of the Timorese people – was passed to the nation's authorities, who organized two full rounds of presidential and legislative elections in 2007 and 2012 with the assistance of the international community. This effort constitutes a major element in the process of granting the new regime internal and external legitimacy and at the same time is a response both to citizens’ perception of the political game in order to secure their empowerment and to the call for transparent, internationally acknowledged procedures. Initially, this essay analyses the legal and administrative framework for Timorese elections, bearing these competing requirements in mind. It then focuses on the 2012 elections: first, on the two rounds of presidential elections, including the intricate relationship between presidential candidacies and political parties, and then on the results of the legislative poll, which had a major impact on the political landscape. The final section deals with the challenges that lie ahead for the coming political cycle (2012–2017).


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Didier Grimaldi ◽  
Javier Diaz ◽  
Hugo Arboleda

Abstract Electoral prediction from Twitter data is an appealing research topic. The article aims at inferring the results of 2019 Spanish Presidential elections analysing Tweets. It defines a specific political dictionnary to analyse the sentiment and the opinion of the messages posted during the campaign. Our predicting model compares the performance of 5 multi-linear regression algorithms and our results are compared to the ones delivered by the standard poll systems based on telephone survey. Our methodology correctly ranks the candidates and gives for the winner of the election (Sanchez) a better prediction of voting share than the national polls. This stream of studies is still in the early stage even if our findings look like very promising. Therefore, as a future line of research, we recommend to include more socio- and economic factors like sex, age, location, etc. in the objective to improve our model and results.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Didier Grimaldi ◽  
Javier Diaz ◽  
Hugo Arboleda

Abstract The avalanche of personal and social data circulating in Online Social Networks over the past 10 years has attracted a great deal of interest from Scholars and Practitioners who seek to analyse not only their value, but also their limits. Predicting election results using Twitter data is an example of how data can directly influence the politic domain and it also serves an appealing research topic. This article aims to predict the results of the 2019 Spanish Presidential election and the voting share of each candidate, using Tweeter. The method combines sentiment analysis and volume information and compares the performance of five Machine Learning algorithms. Several data scrutiny uncertainties arose that hindered the prediction of the outcome. Consequently, the method develops a political lexicon-based framework to measure the sentiments of online users. Indeed, an accurate understanding of the contextual content of the tweets posted was vital in this work. Our results correctly ranked the candidates and determined the winner by means of a better prediction of votes than official research institutes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Archana Upadhyay

Russia’s March 2018 presidential elections need to be analysed and understood in the context of the inherited political culture of the Soviet times. The undeveloped political culture of participation clearly stands out as the dominant feature of the Russian political landscape. Political processes and institutions have been tailored to serve national goals shaped by the ambitions, demands and successes of the dominant leader. It is against this background that Russia’s personality-centric politics has evolved and continues to function. The outcome of the 18 March 2018 presidential elections is an affirmation of this reality.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aram Terzyan ◽  

This paper explores the political landscape of Belarus in the aftermath of the 2020 presidential elections, with a focus on both domestic and international factors behind the ongoing crisis. Lukashenko’s regime has a long record of sustaining its power by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents. Therefore, massive fraud characterizing the 2020 presidential elections and brutal suppression of peaceful protests in its aftermath came as no surprise. Against this backdrop, the anti-government protests following the presidential elections raised a series of unanswered questions regarding both their domestic and foreign policy implications. The biggest question is whether the Belarusian civil society and opposition will prove powerful enough to overcome state repression and change the status quo in Europe’s “last dictatorship”. Worries remain about the Belarusian opposition’s emphasis on foreign policy continuity, meaning that Belarus is bound to remain in the orbit of the Russian authoritarian influence. The total fiasco of post-Velvet Revolution Armenian government both in terms of domestic and foreign policies, among others, further reveals the excruciating difficulties of a democratic state-building within the Russia-led socio-political order.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Didier Grimaldi ◽  
Javier Diaz ◽  
Hugo Arboleda

Abstract The avalanche of personal and social data circulating in Online Social Networks over the past 10 years has attracted a great deal of interest from Scholars and Practitioners who seek to analyse not only their value, but also their limits. Predicting election results using Twitter data is an example of how data can directly influence the politic domain and it also serves an appealing research topic. This article aims to predict the results of the 2019 Spanish Presidential election and the voting share of each candidate, using Tweeter. The method combines sentiment analysis and volume information and compares the performance of five Machine Learning algorithms. Several data scrutiny uncertainties arose that hindered the prediction of the outcome. Consequently, the method develops a political lexicon-based framework to measure the sentiments of online users. Indeed, an accurate understanding of the contextual content of the tweets posted was vital in this work. Our results correctly ranked the candidates and determined the winner by means of a better prediction of votes than official research institutes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasmine Patricia Hafso

During the 1980s, the General Secretary of the Soviet Union Mikhail Gorbachev implemented extensive reforms prohibiting alcohol. The reform had distastrous results and is widely regarded as a failure. Although Gorbachev's alcohol reform was ultimately reversed and regarded as unsuccessful, the alcohol policy is revealing in regards to changes taking place in Soviet society during the 1980s. The reform demonstrated changes in the political landscape, economics, and government transparency. 


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