scholarly journals On the origins and specificity of one motive. To the 110TH anniversary of the publication of V.V. Rozanov’s «When the boss are gone...»

Author(s):  
I.A. Yedoshina

For the first time, the book by V. V. Rozanov «When the Bosses Are Gone ...» (1910) is the subject to analyze. The article notes the specificity of the book (a collection of articles), which received a genre status in the Russian culture of the late 19th and early 20th centuries: the book contains both previously published articles and the ones, which were rejected by editors. In addition to the genre affiliation, other features of this book are revealed; the article summarizes and defines the development of the author’s political views on contemporary events in the country, which he welcomed and encouraged in his literary word; Rozanov’s historiosophy is analyzed. The author of the article commented on the compositional structure of the collection, revealed the semantic links between the articles, as well as the basis that unites them – the essence of «authorities» as a specific phenomenon of Russian life. The synonymous series of «bosses» is suggested: «bureaucracy», «government», «power». The article identifies the sources of the problems of the «bosses»: these are the works of N.A. Lyubimov and Vl.S. Soloviev, with which V.V. Rozanov conducts internal dialogue, representing the «bosses» as a part of the political life in the country of 1901 1906 and noting the weakening of the authoritarian position. The book’s artistic layout is analyzed, the sources of replica drawings on the cover and at the end of the collection are established, and the relationship between these drawings and the book’s content is revealed. It is particularly noted that already in 1914 V.V. Rozanov felt remorse about the publication of this book, and in 1917 he came to realize the catastrophic consequences of the events that he had once been so happy about.

1969 ◽  
Vol 89 ◽  
pp. 87-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. C. McCail

The Cycle of sixth-century epigrams edited by Agathias Scholasticus is the subject of a recent article by Mr and Mrs A. Cameron (JHS lxxxvi [1966] 6 ff.), who argue cogently that it was published in the early years of Justin II, and not the later years of Justinian, as has hitherto been supposed. Ca. also suggest identifications for many of the poets and imperial officials who figure in the Cycle. They do not, however, exhaust all the identifications that can be made, and some of those suggested by them require amplification or correction. Furthermore, Ca.'s view of the dating of the Cycle leads them, it seems to me, to underestimate its Justinianic character. The following observations are offered without prejudice to the merit of Ca.'s article as a whole.Among the Cyclic poets, only Julian the ex-Prefect of the East stands in close relationship to the political life of the age. His involvement in the Nika insurrection of 532 is attested by historical sources and, as Ca. claim (13), by two epigrams of the Anthology. The latter, however, contain difficulties passed over by Ca. In the first place, of the two epigrams on the cenotaph of Hypatius, only AP vii 591 is certainly from Julian's pen; vii 592 is unattributed in the Palatine MS., a fact which Ca. omit to mention. (It is absent from the Planudean MS.) The state of affairs in P is no accident, vii 591, though eulogising the dead man and alluding openly to the casting of his corpse into the sea, is moderate in tone, and would have caused no more offence to Justinian than Procopius's published account of the affair.


2020 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 149-155
Author(s):  
SVETLANA S. UZHAKINA ◽  

The classification of Russian culture-bound terms used in the novel “Quiet Flows the Don” by M. A. Sholokhov and in its translation into the English language. The novel “Quiet Flows the Don” by M.A. Sholokhov and its translation into English done by Robert Daglish have served as the source for the research of culture-bound terms. These terms have been classified on the basis of the subject division offered by S. Vlakhov and S. Florin. It is proved that the interest to the study of culture-bound terms is still important. The relevance of the research is determined by the fact that despite numerous research papers in this field the origin, classification and translation of these terms still need some investigation. The aim of the present study is to classify the culture-bound terms taken from the novel “Quiet Flows the Don” by M.A. Sholokhon and its translation into the English language. As a result, there have bben taken 407 samples of the lexical units with a cultural component which were classified according to the subject principal offered by S. Vlakhon and S. Florin. The culture-bound terms have a great influence on a foreign reader as they are cultural units that transmit the information of the daily routine and the historical epoch described in the novel. The culture-bound terms taken from the novel “Quiet Flows the Don” by M.A. Sholokhov and its translation are analyzed and classified. The division of the culture-bound terms according to the subject principal allowed to reveal that most terms refer to the daily routine, social and political life and military terms.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-147
Author(s):  
S. V. Sheyanova ◽  
◽  
N. M. Yusupova ◽  

Introduction: at present the reader’s audience is particularly interested in creative experiments in which the historical fate of the Russian peasantry in the «turning» eras is artistically comprehended. The article is devoted to the study of the problem-thematic range of modern Mordovian historical prose. The subject of analysis is the peculiarity of the reception of the period of collectivization and dekulakization in the story by Erzyan prose writer A. Doronin «A Wolf Ravine». Objective: to reveal the features of the artistic reconstruction of the events of the 1930s, the modeling of the relationship between a man and society in the story by A. Doronin «A Wolf Ravine».Research materials: the story by A. Doronin «A Wolf Ravine». Results and novelty of the research: the historical story « A Wolf Ravine » for the first time becomes the object of scientific understanding and is introduced into the context of Finno-Ugric literary criticism. A. Doronin artistically interprets the real events and circumstances of the resettlement of dispossessed peasants of the Volga region to the uninhabited steppes of Kazakhstan. As a result of the study, we conclude that the actualization of this problem-thematic cluster is due to the creative concept of the historical writer; the individual author’s approach to the reconstruction of historical narrative can be traced in the writer’s desire to realistically reveal the relationship of personality and society in the tragic 1930s; to analyze intentions of people and of the psychological states of the characters. Problems of a sociopolitical nature, actualized in the story, are filled with philosophical, axiological content, and lead to a multi-faceted understanding of the «man and history» problem.


2021 ◽  
pp. 233-253
Author(s):  
Igor I. Barinov

The article examines the biography of Valentin Dittmann, a lawyer and politician of Baltic-German origin, who became a counselor of the Diplomatic Mission of the Belarusian People’s Republic (BNR) in Berlin. The German-language brochure “Weissruthenien” was published with Dittmann’s active involvement and was considered as the main source of information about this region in Germany for a long time. In a broader context, through the prism of Dittmann’s life and activities, the transformation of the system of ideas and motivations of former Imperial elites after the 1917 revolution became the subject of research. The desire to preserve and improve their social status during the political instability has significantly expanded the boundaries of imaginary. In particular, the elite representatives previously loyal to the throne could drastically change their views on the very idea of a “strong state”. From now on their position ranged from federalism to cooperation with those who were previously considered as “separatists”. On the example of Dittmann, we can follow the peculiar experience of the “homo impericus”, who strove to combine the elitist consciousness inherited from his ancestors with national democratic political views and local (Belo) russian patriotism.


1974 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 5-7

During the past forty years the dominant preoccupation of scholars writing on Livy has been the relationship between the historian and the emperor Augustus, and its effects on the Ab Urbe Condita. Tacitus’ testimony that the two were on friendly terms, and Suetonius’ revelation that Livy found time to encourage the historical studies of the future emperor Claudius, appeared to have ominous overtones to scholars writing against the political backcloth of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Though the subject had not been wholly ignored previously, the success of the German cultural propaganda-machine stimulated a spate of approving or critical treatments. While some were hailing Livy as the historian whose work signalled and glorified the new order, others following a similar interpretation were markedly scathing.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  

In the midst of dangerous circumstances and events and the thorny relations between Syria and Lebanon ,the issue of Syrian – Lebanese economic relations 1958 – 2000 came to confirm the depth of the relationship between the two counties and indicate the political tensions and the shadows it casts on economic relations. Perhaps the Syrian – Lebanese relations are among the strangest relations that exist between two countries or Even between two peoples , although it brings together a lot of special circumstances that are difficult to find in other countries , any event , even if it is fleeting , can be exploited in a way that harms the essence of the relationship in which interests may intersect between two ordinary countries that do not have any connection of historical weight or A specific geography , the Syrian – Lebanese relationship is , by virtue of history , concurrent with the emergence of the two states as political entities . This reason and others prompted me to choose this topic , which embodies the volume of trade and economic exchange between the two countries and clearly embodies the repercussions of the relationship , which passes from one period to another in a state of ebb and flow . This study sheds light on the economic relations between the two countries , although it is difficult to ignore the impact of the political conditions on them , as they are the main engine , and the decline in economic relations is only a reaction to the crisis policy in many cases . in writing this research , the researcher used the descriptive method of history , and he used an important number of sources that enriched the subject , such as the Lebanese – Syrian relations of the authors Antoine AL-Nashef and Khalil AL-Hindi , as well as the Lebanese – Syrian relations1985 -1943 issued by the Lebanese Documentation and Research Center and last but not least l hope this study will be successful in terms of providing information and facts to the lraqi offices and contributing to their enrichment and providing assistance to the lraqi researcher .


2010 ◽  
Vol 112 (2) ◽  
pp. 556-575
Author(s):  
Gert Biesta

Background/Context In discussions about democratic education, there is a strong tendency to see the role of education as that of the preparation of children and young people for their future participation in democratic life. A major problem with this view is that it relies on the idea that the guarantee for democracy lies in the existence of a properly educated citizenry so that once all citizens have received their education, democracy will simply follow. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study The question that is explored in this article is whether it is possible to think of the relationship between education and democracy differently than in terms of preparation. This is important not only to be able to acknowledge the political nature of democratic education but also to be able to acknowledge the political “foundation” of democratic politics itself. Research Design The argumentation in the article is developed through a critical analysis and discussion of the work of Hannah Arendt, with a specific focus on her ideas about the relationship between education and politics and her views on the role of understanding in politics. Findings/Results Arendt's writings on the relationship between education and politics seem to be informed by a “developmentalistic” perspective in which it is maintained that the child is not yet ready for political life, so education has to be separated from politics and seen as a preparation for future participation in political life. Arendt's writings on politics and the role of understanding in political life point in a different direction. They articulate what it means to exist politically—that is, to exist together in plurality—and highlight that political existence is neither based on, nor can be guaranteed by, moral qualities such as tolerance and respect. Conclusions/Recommendations The main conclusion of the article is that democratic education should not be seen as the preparation of citizens for their future participation in political life. Rather, it should focus on creating opportunities for political existence inside and outside schools. Rather than thinking of democratic education as learning for political existence, it is argued that the focus of our educational endeavours should be on how we can learn from political existence.


2020 ◽  
pp. 79-96
Author(s):  
Leila Brännström

In recent years the Sweden Democrats have championed a clarification of the identity of the ‘the people’ in the Instrument of government. The reference, they argue, should be to the ethnic group of Swedes. This chapter will take this ambition to fix the subject of popular sovereignty as the point of departure for discussing some of the ways in which the contemporary anti-foreigner political forces of Northern and Western Europe imagine ‘the people’ and identify their allies and enemies within and beyond state borders. To set the stage for this exploration the chapter will start by looking at Carl Schmitt’s ideas about political friendship, and more specifically the way he imagines the relationship between ‘us’ in a political and constitutional sense and ‘the people’ in national and ethnoracial terms. The choice to begin with Schmitt is not arbitrary. His thoughts about the nature of the political association have found their way into the discourse of many radical right-wing parties of Western and Northern Europe.


2020 ◽  
pp. 247-270
Author(s):  
Brian Holden Reid

This chapter details how the year 1864 allowed William T. Sherman to operate for the first time not as a subordinate commander but as director of a series of armies in the field. His contribution to overall Union strategy would be significant and thus he began to exercise command at the level military analysts currently refer to as the operational level of war. Such a level links tactics and methods of fighting with strategy, in the overall scheme. It defines the manner in which armies organize in discrete campaigns and seek to fulfill the object of strategy by winning victories. Sherman’s performance overall needs to be considered by taking all aspects into account. As he began to work at the higher levels of the military art, he began to change the way in which people think and talk about war, and he propounded an individual philosophy of war. The higher he progressed, the more Sherman could not avoid confronting the harsh realities of political life, for his campaigns increasingly had an impact not just on American political discourse but indeed in 1864 on the outcome of the presidential election. Sherman expressed clear-cut political views and expounded them perhaps too forcefully. This complex mix worked as a catalyst in developing his ideas about war and his ability to put them into practice.


Author(s):  
Stefano Rebeggiani

A new reading of Statius’ main poem and its relationship with the cultural and political life at Rome under Domitian is given. This book studies in detail the poem’s view of power and its interaction with historical contexts. Written under Domitian and in the aftermath of the civil war of 69 CE, the Thebaid uses the veil of myth to reflect on the political reality of Imperial Rome. The poem presents itself to its audience and to the emperor as a lesson on effective kingship and a warning on the fragility of power. Rooted in a pessimistic view of human beings and human relationships, the Thebaid reflects on the harsh necessity of monarchical power as the only antidote to a world always on the verge of returning to chaos. In the absence of the gods, the fate of human communities lies in the hands of the individuals in power. Although humans, and especially kings, are fragile and often the prey of irrational passions, the Thebaid expresses the hope that an illuminated sovereign endowed with clementia [mercy] may offer a solution to the political crisis of the Roman Empire. Statius’ narrative also responds to Domitian’s problematic interaction with Nero, whom Domitian regarded as both a negative model and a source of inspiration. This book shows that the Thebaid is particularly close to the intellectual activities and political views formulated by groups of Roman aristocrats who survived Nero’s repression and that the poem is influenced by an initial phase in Domitian’s regime characterized by a positive relationship between the emperor and the Roman elite.


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