scholarly journals RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CANADA AND THE UNITED STATES: ASYMETRY AND INTERDEPENDENCE

2018 ◽  
pp. 13-24
Author(s):  
I. Derevianko

The article analyze the nature and content of bilateral Canadian-American asymmetric relations with uses the general scientific methods of empirical knowledge. The asymmetry of quantitative and qualitative parameters of Canada and the USA, which is caused by historical, geographical, political, economic, demographic and cultural factors, is revealed. It is proved that in the conditions of interdependence, the asymmetry of military potentials is not a determining factor in relations between the two North American countries. It found that the existing asymmetry of indicators between Canada and the United States does not create opportunities for the strong side to dictate its conditions and does not allow these relations to be turned into a one-sided relationship. Key Canadian strategies aimed at reducing asymmetry in relations with the United States are identified. It is indicated that “soft power” is an important factor in strengthening Canada’s political position in the asymmetric model of coexistence with the United States. The Relations between Canada and the United States are characterized not only by the high level of asymmetry and the wide application of regulatory mechanisms, but also by the high degree of interdependence that is particularly noticeable in the economic and cultural spheres. The asymmetric relationship between Canadian-American is evident in terms of reaching consensus in a wide range of activities. Key words: USA, Canada, Canadian-American Relations, Asymmetry, Interdependence, Potential.

Author(s):  
Anatoliy Khudoliy

The article deals with the policy of the United States of America, Peoples’ Republic of China (PRC) and the Russian Federation in the Asia-Pacific Region. Leadership ambitions of the countries became evident in political, economic, military, technological and space spheres especially over the last few years. The purpose of the article is to analyze American-Chinese and Russian-Chinese relationships in the Asia-Pacific and identify reasons for their foreign policy course. Both countries, China and the USA are eager to play leader’s part in the regional politics. The relationships between the PRC and the United States significantly deteriorated, especially during D. Trump presidency. The author draws attention to the US policy and its attempts to strengthen its own positions in the region as well as to China’s economic activity reflected in transport projects, for instance – One Belt, One Road initiative, perceived by Washington as a challenge to its leader’s position. Tensions between two countries increased due to aggressive regional policy of China which claimed sovereignty over few small islands in the South China Sea. Beijing and Washington compete for leadership in the sphere of technology where China is ahead of the USA.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-118
Author(s):  
Arkadiy Alekseevich Eremin

This article is an attempt to critically analyze the policy of the 45th President of the United States Donald Trump regarding the southern border of the USA with Mexico. The paper analyzes the approach of Washington under the administration of D. Trump to the problem of the joint border between USA and Mexico, as well as conducts a comprehensive assessment of the main programs underlying the most pressing changes in D. Trumps policy in this area. In particular, the paper focuses on the structure of migration flows between 2017 and 2019, as well as on the reasons behind those changes. The author looks at the root causes of the unprecedented increase in the flow of potential migrants and refugees, and correlates them with the ongoing political, economic and humanitarian crises in the Central American sub-region. An important focus is given to the increasing role of Mexico in the settlement of this issue, as well as to the potential impact of such cooperation between the authorities of the United States and Mexico on the situation in Central America and Latin America in general. The significance of this paper is determined by the objective necessity of academic evaluation of the Donald Trumps administration impact on the United States governmental and foreign policy course. The author argues that the approach of the 45th president of the United States regarding traditionally sensitive issues like US - Mexico border control and migration has been mostly based on coercive tactics with obvious disregard towards social basis and root-causes of the issue at hand. One of the most distinguished traits of this approach is the practice of outsourcing managing the problem of refugees from Central America to the border-country, which in this specific case is Mexico.


As Chinese and African countries grow in trade and economic development so has the soft power dynamics. Healthcare has been an area where the Chinese have dominated the area for the last decade. The USA has been in a decline and has been absent in providing the leadership in healthcare soft power dynamics. The partisan politics in the USA has consumed the United States Agency for International Development bringing an era of Chinese experimentation with a free market (capitalism) and toying with international development superpower status. Yet, there are still areas of improvement for healthcare in Africa between United States America (USA) and China (PRC). Africans have become used to engaging with the Chinese in the hope of meeting their developmental healthcare goals. But the acceptance of the Chinese healthcare and medicine in Africa is a game changer in the healthcare diplomacy arena.


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 235-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Wiseman

My central claim is that the United States has conducted a distinctive form of ‘anti-diplomacy’, accepting in practice many diplomatic norms and practices while remaining reluctant to acknowledge the fact. To support this claim, this article argues that since its rise as a world power, the United States has participated in international society’s diplomatic culture in a distinctive way and that this distinctiveness stems from seven interconnected characteristics of American diplomacy: (1) America’s long-held distrust and negative view of diplomats and diplomacy, which has contributed to the historical neglect and sidelining of the US Department of State in the United States’ policy-making process; (2) a high degree of domestic influence over foreign policy and diplomacy; (3) a tendency to privilege hard power over soft power in foreign policy; (4) a preference for bilateral over multilateral diplomacy; (5) an ideological tradition of diplomatically isolating states that are considered adversarial and of refusing to engage them until they meet preconditions; (6) a tradition of appointing a relatively high proportion of political rather than career ambassadors; and (7) a demonstrably strong cultural disposition towards a direct, low-context negotiating style. A consequence of these distinguishing characteristics is that American diplomacy tends to be less effective than it might otherwise be, not only in advancing the United States’ own interests, but also in advancing wider international cooperation. A goal here is to provide a working framework with which to evaluate any US administration’s relationship to diplomacy as the country’s interests and identity evolve.


2020 ◽  
pp. 114-136
Author(s):  
Vladimir Chernega ◽  

The article considers the views existing in France on the prospects of the European Union becoming a «political power» and the appearance in it of its own military instrument. It is noted that, in the opinion of most French politicians, experts and journalists, the EU is still far from being a full-pledged political subject. Although political and military structures are formed in it, as a kind of «embrio» of quasi statehood, and a «neo-imperial» tendency already exists in it, basically the EU is an economic and «civilian» power which must fight for influence on the international arena only with the help of «soft power». The main reason of its weakness is its internal friability, disagreements between Members States over its future. In addition, the United States, which are not interested in a new global rival, are hampering the achievement of the self-sufficiency, especially in the military-political share. NATO, controlled by the USA, can only allow the creation of a «European pillar» under its umbrella. Eastern European countries are against military integration of the EU, because they are oriented not by Brussels, but by Washington in the security field. However, the rise of China and the election of the nationalist Donald Trump as a President of the United States strengthened the trend in the EU advocating its political independence and the creation of its own «European defence». The article analyzes the initiatives and actions of French President Emmanuel Macron who personifies this trend. It is stated that, with the help of Germany, he managed to achieve certain progress both in terms of general integration and in the field of «European defence». This allowed him to speak about the formation of a «European army». But the question of whether he will be able to go further remains open. Besides the obstacles to political and military integration, which did not disappear, the coronavirus pandemic introduces its «corrections». The newly discovered split in the EU into «South» and «North» called into question its already fragile construction.


Author(s):  
Marina Chudinovskikh

The relevance of the research into the issue is determined by the need to develop a state policy in the field of telework management (distance employment). The paper presents an analysis of the practice of state management of telework in the United States of America based on a study of the norms of legislation (Telework Enhancement Act), as well as annual reports submitted to Congress. In the article, general and special scientific methods such as systemic, comparative legal, formal logical, statistical, and others were applied. As a result of the study, it was concluded that the Russian Federation is taking the first steps in the field of managing telework, while in the United States, a comprehensive state policy has been formed and implemented since 2010. The telework state policy includes the development of legal acts, allocation of authority among state and municipal bodies, measures to encourage the creation of remote jobs, the organization of accounting, control and supervision of telework. The implementation of an effective telework state policy has a positive effect on employers, employees, society and the environment. The positive economic effect for the state and government is reduction in operating costs, increase in work efficiency and reduction of staff turnover. For employees, distance employment leads to a reduction in stress and an increase in job satisfaction. The effect for society and the environment is reflected in an increase in the level of public safety, a reduction in the traffic load, pollution of the environment, and energy saving.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeanine Vélez-Gavilán

Abstract S. occidentalis is an annual to short lived perennial herb to small shrub with a pantropical distribution (PROTA, 2016). It is reported as invasive throughout Oceania, and various countries in Asia and Africa, where is reported as introduced (BioNET-EAFRINET, 2016; PIER, 2016). Within its native range S. occidentalis is listed as invasive for Cuba by Oviedo Prieto et al. (2012). This species is recognised as an invasive herb or a problematic weed that affects crops and plantations all over its range (PIER, 2016). For example, in the Northern Territory, Australia, it is a class B declared weed, i.e. spread to be controlled in all of the Territory (Flanagan, 1998). This weed is a problem in seven states of the USA and is increasing in eight others (Teem et al., 1980). Its ability to colonize a wide range of climatic and edaphic conditions is epitomized by its occurrence in East Africa where it is found at altitudes of 0-1740 metres above sea level (Brenan, 1967). Though probably less important than the related weeds, S. obtusifolia and S. tora, S. occidentalis has the potential to become a weed of more widespread significance. In the USA it is on the regulated invasive list for Florida (Invasive Plant Atlas of the United States, 2016).


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeanine Vélez-Gavilán

Abstract S. occidentalis is an annual to short lived perennial herb to small shrub with a pantropical distribution (PROTA, 2016). It is reported as invasive throughout Oceania, and various countries in Asia and Africa, where is reported as introduced (BioNET-EAFRINET, 2016; PIER, 2016). Within its native range S. occidentalis is listed as invasive for Cuba by Oviedo Prieto et al. (2012). This species is recognised as an invasive herb or a problematic weed that affects crops and plantations all over its range (PIER, 2016). For example, in the Northern Territory, Australia, it is a class B declared weed, i.e. spread to be controlled in all of the Territory (Flanagan, 1998). This weed is a problem in seven states of the USA and is increasing in eight others (Teem et al., 1980). Its ability to colonize a wide range of climatic and edaphic conditions is epitomized by its occurrence in East Africa where it is found at altitudes of 0-1740 metres above sea level (Brenan, 1967). Though probably less important than the related weeds, S. obtusifolia and S. tora, S. occidentalis has the potential to become a weed of more widespread significance. In the USA it is on the regulated invasive list for Florida (Invasive Plant Atlas of the United States, 2016).


1976 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Melvin Croan

AbstractUntil the mid- to late 1960s, East Germany remained a virtual terra incognita to all but the tiniest handful of specialists in the United States. Even today, the discovery of the DDR by wider American publics-both academic and non-academic-can scarcely be regarded as anything like complete. Yet, after surveying the state of American research on the DDR, Peter C. Ludz concluded in 1970 that despite certain problems, its future prospects seemed bright.1 Indeed, he contended that the high level of development of social science techniques in the United States, together with geographic detachment from day-to-day involvement in intra-German politics, might enable American scholars to come to grips with "the basic questions" more readily than their German colleagues.2 Just how well has that optimistic forecast been borne out? Readers are invited to draw their own conclusions from the discussion that follows. Since the present treatment, rather than aspiring to be comprehensive, seeks to depict general trends, identify specific problems, and explore future prospects-all in the author's own disciplinary speciality, political science, several cautionary observations should be recorded at the outset. The study of politics, in the United States no less than elsewhere, must constantly grapple with the fact-value dilemma. I believe there can never be a genuinely wertfrei social science, in the sense in which some Americans have tended, somewhat one-sidedly, I think, to understand Max Weber's scientific aspirations. Similarly, with respect to the sociology of knowledge, Karl Mannheim's postulation of a freischwebende Intelligenz appears, to employ Mannheim's own terminology, to be utopian. If, as I believe, political science must be regarded as "metapolitics," then any treatment of work in the field of political science becomes a kind of "meta-metapolitics."3 Thus, description is inseparable from evaluation, if only because all description necessarily "involves selection, synthesis, and sequence."4 My personal value biases (broadly humanistic) and methodological preferences (I favor choosing the particular research techniques appropriate to specific subject of investigation rather than vice versa and am always distrustful of narrowly positivistic approaches) will be apparent in the account that follows. They will obviously also inform the recommendations for possible directions in future work on the DDR with which the present report concludes.


Author(s):  
O. M. Andreeva ◽  
L. Avetisyan

It is stated that the Armenian community in the USA is one of the largest and most influential in the world. It is proved that the numerous Armenian community of the USA plays a prominent role in the development of Armenian-American relations. It is shown that the urgent issues for the development of the Armenian Diaspora is to overcome contradictions and competition within the Armenian Diaspora, especially among its most active organizations dealing with political issues. It will solve specific foreign policy tasks and promote the unification of the Armenian Diaspora based on group identity and common goals. The Armenian organizations, acting separately, complicate integration and unification within the community itself, lead to competition and disunity in defending its interests not only in the United States, but also in the world. It is determined that numerous Armenian Diaspora, famous and influential personalities of Armenian origin, national organizations and lobby groups are the “soft power” of Armenia. The Diaspora provides significant and comprehensive support to Armenian diplomacy in advancing national interests, especially in matters of international recognition and condemnation of the Armenian Genocide, the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and overcoming the many economic problems that Armenia faces today. During the post-bipolar period, the Armenian Diaspora in America was quite active namely because of participation in various international organizations. To a certain extent, the Diaspora of Armenia followed the common tradition of using intergovernmental and intergovernmental associations to solve the problems of their states. On the other hand, the Armenian Diaspora confidently applied the method of "complementarily policy". This policy envisaged the deep involvement of the Republic of Armenia in the process of discussing and promoting projects of international organizations of various levels in the foreign policy of leading, influential states of the world and, first of all, the United States. In this regard, it is relevant to study the active and successful activities of the Armenian Diaspora in the United States. It is proved that Armenian Diaspora, with its rich international experience, seeks to integrate into American politics, which represents valuable experience for Ukraine, which has a significant Diaspora in the USA and Canada.


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