Other Official Providers Reporting at the Aggregate Level to the OECD

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2020 ◽  
pp. 107699862095666
Author(s):  
Alina A. von Davier

In this commentary, I share my perspective on the goals of assessments in general, on linking assessments that were developed according to different specifications and for different purposes, and I propose several considerations for the authors and the readers. This brief commentary is structured around three perspectives (1) the context of this research, (2) the methodology proposed here, and (3) the consequences for applied research.


2014 ◽  
pp. 33-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lewis Darwen

The census enumerators' books (CEBs) have provided fertile ground for studies of workhouse populations in recent years, though it has been acknowledged that work remains to be done on different regions and periods to develop our understanding of these institutions and the paupers who resided therein. This article will examine the indoor pauper populations of the Preston union, in Lancashire, over three census years from 1841. The region, which is notable for a protracted campaign of resistance to the New Poor Law and its associated workhouse system, has been previously neglected in studies of workhouse populations focusing on the decades immediately after the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834. It will be shown that the profile of the union's workhouse populations broadly mirrors those found elsewhere at the aggregate level, but that important variations reflected local and central policy. A high concentration of able-bodied paupers—in particular—seems to indicate ideas governing local policy which were not carried out elsewhere.


Author(s):  
J. Alexander Branham ◽  
Christopher Wlezien

Do election campaigns matter? This chapter examines whether and how they do. It considers when they occur, what they do, and what effects they can have. Although candidates and parties would like to directly persuade individuals, it is difficult to detect those kinds of effects at the aggregate level since the effects are small and polling is imprecise. The chapter then introduces the “timeline” of elections and how we can observe preferences change and harden as the election approaches. This method allows us to test various hypotheses, such as whether political institutions matter for the evolution of electoral preferences over the timeline. The chapter concludes with a discussion of mobilization, which is a cost-effective way that campaigns can persuade people to vote who would not have otherwise.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001316442199489
Author(s):  
Luyao Peng ◽  
Sandip Sinharay

Wollack et al. (2015) suggested the erasure detection index (EDI) for detecting fraudulent erasures for individual examinees. Wollack and Eckerly (2017) and Sinharay (2018) extended the index of Wollack et al. (2015) to suggest three EDIs for detecting fraudulent erasures at the aggregate or group level. This article follows up on the research of Wollack and Eckerly (2017) and Sinharay (2018) and suggests a new aggregate-level EDI by incorporating the empirical best linear unbiased predictor from the literature of linear mixed-effects models (e.g., McCulloch et al., 2008). A simulation study shows that the new EDI has larger power than the indices of Wollack and Eckerly (2017) and Sinharay (2018). In addition, the new index has satisfactory Type I error rates. A real data example is also included.


Author(s):  
R. Beyrouti ◽  
J. G. Best ◽  
A. Chandratheva ◽  
R. J. Perry ◽  
D. J. Werring

Abstract Background and purpose There are very few studies of the characteristics and causes of ICH in COVID-19, yet such data are essential to guide clinicians in clinical management, including challenging anticoagulation decisions. We aimed to describe the characteristics of spontaneous symptomatic intracerebral haemorrhage (ICH) associated with COVID-19. Methods We systematically searched PubMed, Embase and the Cochrane Central Database for data from patients with SARS-CoV-2 detected prior to or within 7 days after symptomatic ICH. We did a pooled analysis of individual patient data, then combined data from this pooled analysis with aggregate-level data. Results We included data from 139 patients (98 with individual data and 41 with aggregate-level data). In our pooled individual data analysis, the median age (IQR) was 60 (53–67) years and 64% (95% CI 54–73.7%) were male; 79% (95% CI 70.0–86.9%) had critically severe COVID-19. The pooled prevalence of lobar ICH was 67% (95% CI 56.3–76.0%), and of multifocal ICH was 36% (95% CI 26.4–47.0%). 71% (95% CI 61.0–80.4%) of patients were treated with anticoagulation (58% (95% CI 48–67.8%) therapeutic). The median NIHSS was 28 (IQR 15–28); mortality was 54% (95% CI 43.7–64.2%). Our combined analysis of individual and aggregate data showed similar findings. The pooled incidence of ICH across 12 cohort studies of inpatients with COVID-19 (n = 63,390) was 0.38% (95% CI 0.22–0.58%). Conclusions Our data suggest that ICH associated with COVID-19 has different characteristics compared to ICH not associated with COVID-19, including frequent lobar location and multifocality, a high rate of anticoagulation, and high mortality. These observations suggest different underlying mechanisms of ICH in COVID-19 with potential implications for clinical treatment and trials.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402110243
Author(s):  
Sirus H. Dehdari

This paper studies the effects of economic distress on support for radical right parties. Using Swedish election data, I show that one layoff notice among low-skilled native-born workers increases, on average, support for the Swedish radical right party the Sweden Democrats by 0.17–0.45 votes. The relationship between layoff notices and support for the Sweden Democrats is stronger in areas with a high share of low-skilled immigrants and in areas with a low share of high-skilled immigrants. These findings are in line with theories suggesting that economically distressed voters oppose immigration as they fear increased labor market competition. In addition, I use individual-level survey data to show that self-reported unemployment risk is positively associated with voting for the Sweden Democrats among low-skilled respondents while the opposite is true for high-skilled respondents, echoing the aggregate-level findings.


1991 ◽  
Vol 85 (3) ◽  
pp. 905-920 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold D. Clarke ◽  
Nitish Dutt

During the past two decades a four-item battery administered in biannual Euro-Barometer surveys has been used to measure changing value priorities in Western European countries. We provide evidence that the measure is seriously flawed. Pooled cross-sectional time series analyses for the 1976–86 period reveal that the Euro-Barometer postmaterialist-materialist value index and two of its components are very sensitive to short-term changes in economic conditions, and that the failure to include a statement about unemployment in the four-item values battery accounts for much of the apparent growth of postmaterialist values in several countries after 1980. The aggregate-level findings are buttressed by analyses of panel data from three countries.


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