ARON FRENKEL. THE FATE OF THE ROSTOV REVOLUTIONARY: FROM THE REVOLUTION AND THE CIVIL WAR ON THE DON TO THE CHINESE REVOLUTION AND STALIN'S TERROR

Author(s):  
Sergey A. Kislitsyn

The article highlights the political biography of the Don Bolshevik, the Bolshevik figure of the second plan A.A. Frenkel, who played a significant role during the civil war on the Don. Special attention is paid to Fren-kel's activities as part of the tragic expedition of F.G. Podtelkov, his work as a secretary of the Donburo of the RCP(b) - a special Bolshevik body for organizing underground work in the rear of Denikin's troops. Attention is drawn to the mediating influence of the extraordinary nature of the struggle of the Donburo of the RCP(b) with the Denikin regime on the implementation of an extremist policy of terrorist storytelling in fundamentally new conditions after the liberation of the region from the white troops. An attempt to explain his rejection of the cruel anti-Cossack policy and the subsequent conflict with the majority of the Donburo is made. His party work after the Civil War is covered. Contributing to the strengthening of the Stalinist-Bolshevik regime, Fren-kel became its zealot and immanent victim during the period of personnel repression of the 1930s. Frenkel, as a typical Bolshevik leader at the regional level, reflected in his biography the characteristic features of Bolshevism as a unique phenomenon.

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-32
Author(s):  
Ainur Elmgren

The tenacious negative stereotypes of the Jesuits, conveyed to generations of Finnish school children through literary works in the national canon, were re-used in anti-Socialist discourse during and after the revolutionary year of 1917. Fear of the Bolshevik revolution in 1917 paradoxically strengthened the negative stereotype of “Jesuitism,” especially after the attempted revolution by Finnish Socialists that led to the Finnish Civil War of 1918. The fears connected to the revolution were also fears of democracy itself; various campaigning methods in the new era of mass politics were associated with older images of Jesuit proselytism. In rare cases, the enemy image of the political Jesuit was contrasted with actual Catholic individuals and movements.


Author(s):  
Alan Knight

The rebel leaders of 1914 purged opponents and imposed their will by force. This new radicalism had three dimensions: personnel, policy, and practice. ‘The Revolution in power’ describes the two crucial and related issues that now occupied the political agenda: could the victorious rebels—Villa, Zapata, Carranza, and Obregón—agree, first, on a common programme and, second, on a common government which would enact it? The final big bout of civil war ran from 1914 to 1915 with the winner being Carranza due to the superior generalship of the supporting Obregón and the Carrancista. The challenges and responses of the Carranza government and the 1917 Constitution are also described.


Author(s):  
Anastasia Gevko

This article analyzes the domestic memoirs related events 1917–21. Characterized Istpartu activity aimed at collecting evidence memoir. An important key base for researchers of the revolutionary events of 1917-1921 in Ukraine, it occupies a memorial legacy of witnesses of those turbulent years. After the defeat of the liberation struggle and the establishment of Soviet power in Ukraine, Istpartu was created in 1921. At one time, Istpartu took a leading place among the scientific institutions of Ukraine. Istpartu had its own journal, Chronicle of the Revolution, 57 issues were issued, in which memoirs were published mainly by supporters of the Soviet camp. "Chronicle of the revolution" in 1922-1935 published 168 memories of revolutionary events in Ukraine, among the authors there were 123 direct participants in those events. The activities of Istpartu at the regional level contributed to the study and publication of materials on the history of the revolution and the Civil War in Ukraine. Also, in the field, in the 1920s. local editions of regional Eastparts began to appear. Mostly these were collections of documents and memoirs, which often contain unique material that did not appear in official documents. For example, the book “Pages of the struggle. The collection of materials on the history of the revolutionary movement in Nikolaev", prepared by the Nikolaev Istpartu in 1923. In Soviet Ukraine, after the establishment of the dictatorship of the Bolsheviks, writing memoirs (with a non-Soviet perception of the past) about the revolutionary events of 1917 and the Civil War, and even more so publishing them, was practically impossible, and not only because of restrictions on archives, but also because hard censorship behind the printed word. The memoirs that were issued in those years for the “Marxist approach” are characterized by Soviet schematics and ideologically verified published material.


1992 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 770-796 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Keith Schoppa

Most Local Studies of the “revolution“in pre-1949 China have focused on Communist successes and failures during the 1930s and 1940s in the base areas of north and central China. It seems obvious, however, that in its more complete meaning the Chinese revolution in this century has been more than the story of Communist Party fortunes. On the national level, it has been the process of casting off politically enervated and/or discredited systems (the imperial, warlord, and Republican) and moving toward the vision of a fundamentally new state and society. The first major blow in this process was the abolition in 1905 of the civil service system that had served as the foundation for the political and social structure of traditional China. The revolution, which has often focused on struggles for political power and prerogative, has continued throughout the country in a number of phases, with varying actors, agendas, timing, and dynamics. Like a war made up of innumerable engagements, it has been a congeries of countless local revolutions, some only loosely linked to national-level goals. If, as a recent work put it, “[a] new generation of scholarship is emerging [in the study of the Chinese revolution] which promises to resolve old debates, bridge old dichotomies, and join formerly separate strands of analysis” (Hartford and Goldstein 1989:3), then it must take into account the larger chronological sweep of the revolution at the same time it burrows deeply into its local bases. This essay is an exploration of the contours of revolutionary change in the half-century from 1900 to 1950 in Xiaoshan County, Zhejiang Province, a county in the Lower Yangzi region that was for most of this period in the Guomindang, not the Communist sphere (map 1).


1978 ◽  
Vol 75 ◽  
pp. 594-622 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven M. Goldstein

The years 1937 to 1941 constitute the formative period in the Maoist leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), when Mao and his colleagues developed much of the political and military strategy that was to guide the Party through the anti-Japanese war and into the civil war period. This package of revolutionary prescriptions – loosely labelled the Yenan experience – is generally recognized to have had a powerful, lingering hold on the Party leadership.


1979 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Leong

The origins of political consciousness and nationalism among the hua-ch'iao or overseas Chinese in Malaya occurred during the period 1895–1911, between the Sino-Japanese War and the Chinese Revolution. The major defeat suffered by China at the hands of Japan and the subsequent Reform Movement which arose in China awakened the overseas Chinese to the political situation in their homeland. The presence of reformist leader K'ang Yu-wei and revolutionary advocate Sun Yatsen and their colleagues in Malaya served to enhance hua-ch'iao concern for China. By the Revolution of 1911, nationalism among the Malayan Chinese had emerged.


Author(s):  
Evgeniya Vasilyeva

This article is dedicated to the questions of party building of the constitutional democrats of Siberia during 1917 – 1920, which is one of most tragic periods of the Russian history. Based on the analysis of  published and archival materials and documents of the central and local committees of the People's Freedom Party in Eastern Russia during the Revolution and Civil War, the goal is set to determine the causes and follow the trends of changes in composition of the party, vector and nature of the activity of Siberian cadet groups. The research relies on the fundamental principles of scientific objectivism and historicism, which allows examining the topic in dynamics and in relation to the specific socioeconomic, political, and cultural circumstances that developed during this period. The scientific novelty consists in demonstration of the dynamics and identification of the causes of changes in composition and tactics of the Siberian cadet groups throughout the Revolution of 1917 and the Civil War. Emphasis is placed on the “democratic counter-revolution” and the political regime of A. V. Kolchak. The conclusion is made that the nature of organizational party activity of the Siberian cadets is determined by a range of factors, namely local conditions and events that unfolded in the capital of Russia. A considerable influence was produced by the directives of the Central Committee of the People's Freedom Party, political orientations of the All-Russian National Center, and the experience acquired by the party and its leaders during the Revolution of 1917 and the Civil War.


2004 ◽  
pp. 142-157
Author(s):  
M. Voeikov ◽  
S. Dzarasov

The paper written in the light of 125th birth anniversary of L. Trotsky analyzes the life and ideas of one of the most prominent figures in the Russian history of the 20th century. He was one of the leaders of the Russian revolution in its Bolshevik period, worked with V. Lenin and played a significant role in the Civil War. Rejected by the party bureaucracy L. Trotsky led uncompromising struggle against Stalinism, defending his own understanding of the revolutionary ideals. The authors try to explain these events in historical perspective, avoiding biases of both Stalinism and anticommunism.


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