scholarly journals Deteriorating Image of Political Parties in Malang, Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. p34
Author(s):  
Budhy Prianto ◽  
Dwi Suharnoko
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
Vote System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Legislative Election

In the democratic countries, political party acts as mediator bridging communication between government and its citizens. The decline of political party taking place before and after the 2014 and 2019 presidential elections and legislative elections certainly affects the political parties in carrying out their roles. Conducted in Malang, objective of this study is to describe factors contributing declining image of political parties and its implications. The findings showed that image of political parties are deteriorating due to lack of trust towards the political parties and politicians in the parliament. The Decree on direct vote system for both presidential and regional head election and establishment of an open proportional system in legislative election also contribute to the deterioration. Implications of the phenomenon are negative attitude and declining interest towards political party.

The Elephant in the Voting Booth?

Asian Survey ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 641-662
Author(s):  
Ted Hsuan Yun Chen ◽  
Chung-Li Wu
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Vote System ◽  
Vote Buying ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Before And After

In 2005, the single nontransferable vote system for legislative elections in Taiwan was replaced by a mixed-member majoritarian system, with an accompanying reduction in available district seats. In theory, by increasing the threshold of exclusion and placing the power of nomination in the hands of political parties, this reform should reduce vote-buying and local factionalism. We collected data on legislative nominees charged with vote-buying and on the local factional ties of candidates. Our results suggest that the reforms did reduce these problems. First, comparing the proportion of candidates charged with vote-buying before and after the reform shows a decrease in the second and third post-reform elections. Second, factional status predicts a candidate’s likelihood of running in consecutive elections before the reform but not after. Differences between factional and nonfactional candidates ceased to be significant after the reform, revealing the decreasing relevance of factions.

scholarly journals Elections, Independence, Democracy: The 2012 Timorese Electoral Cycle in Context

2012 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rui Graça Feijó
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Final Section ◽  
Major Element ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Timor Leste ◽  
Political Cycle ◽  
Administrative Framework

Timor-Leste rose to independence following a path that included three electoral processes organized under the auspices of the UN and has thus got elections imprinted on its own genetic code. After independence, the responsibility for electoral processes – a key aspect of the sovereignty of the Timorese people – was passed to the nation's authorities, who organized two full rounds of presidential and legislative elections in 2007 and 2012 with the assistance of the international community. This effort constitutes a major element in the process of granting the new regime internal and external legitimacy and at the same time is a response both to citizens’ perception of the political game in order to secure their empowerment and to the call for transparent, internationally acknowledged procedures. Initially, this essay analyses the legal and administrative framework for Timorese elections, bearing these competing requirements in mind. It then focuses on the 2012 elections: first, on the two rounds of presidential elections, including the intricate relationship between presidential candidacies and political parties, and then on the results of the legislative poll, which had a major impact on the political landscape. The final section deals with the challenges that lie ahead for the coming political cycle (2012–2017).

scholarly journals From Retail to Grocery: Money Politics in 2014 Indonesian Legislative Election

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-120
Author(s):  
M. Faishal Aminuddin ◽  
Natasha Hassan Attamimi
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Quality Of Democracy ◽  
Legislative Election

Money politics is a serious problem for the improvement in the quality of democracy in Indonesia. In every election, there has been a shift or variation in the pattern of money politics. This article answers the important question of what pattern of money politics applied in the 2014 elections was. This study found that the pattern was more complex and that it involved more actors between not only candidates and voters, but also the election organizers. A case study had been used to view the pattern of money politics in the legislative elections in Surabaya and Sidoarjo during the 2014 election. This study explains the connectivity between the emergence of pragmatic-rational voters, the engagement of the party oligarchy in moving the political party machinery and the covert dealings with the election organizer.

scholarly journals Penerapan Parliamentary Threshold pada Pemilihan Umum 2009

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-374
Author(s):  
Nur’Ayni Itasari
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Threshold Mechanism

Abstract: The selection process through the  (general) election mechanism can be identified with the electoral system ever implemented in the Islamic government. First, the electoral system of ahl al-hall wa al-'aqd which was carried out by the trust and allegiance. Second, the electoral system of ahl al-hall wa al-'aqd which was done through the periodic election, selection in society, and by the head of state. Parliamentary Threshold (PT) is a threshold mechanism in place at legislative elections (for parliament) with a percentage of 2.5% for the political parties which contested the election to follow the counting in the determination of the House of Representative’s seats. Parliamentary Threshold, according to Law No. 10 year 2008, article 202, paragraph 1 (regarding the election of members of DPR, DPD and DPRD) in the 2009 election, was implemented by calculating the minimum total of 2.5% of the valid votes in the national political party contestants. Then those parties were listed, which ones were the Parliamentary Threshold and which ones were not the Parliamentary Threshold to determine BPP to calculate the DPR’s seats for the electoral party  contestants that had passed the threshold.Keywords: Parliamentary threshold, general election, democracy, and constitution

scholarly journals Analysis of Local Government Studies and Development Administration in South Kalimantan

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosalind Franklin
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Neutral Position ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Election Process ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
Legislative Election

The State Civil Apparatus (ASN) is a vital subject in a country's governance and development system. ASN neutrality in politics is a must. In fact, ASN is often used as a political object from the power of political parties and actors not only at the national but also regional level. This study aims to describe the ASN's political position in the elections in Barito Kuala Regency. As a critical review to explore and build a new paradigm of looking at ASN's political position during the 2019 Legislative Election process in Barito Kuala Regency. A qualitative approach with descriptive methods is used in research. Data collection techniques through three steps, namely: observation, interviews, and documentation. Analysis of Miles and Hubermen's data models and triangulation techniques are used to see the validity of the data. The results of the study are described: (1) The Political Position of ASN in Barito Kuala Regency during the 2019 Legislative Election in some ASNs was still considered to be in favor of one of the legislative candidates. Cases of neutrality violations that occurred in several ASNs, put themselves in a neutral political position. The role of ASN in the formation and distribution of power is only in the voting booth, namely choosing one of the existing legislative candidates. (2) The political position of ASN in Barito Kuala Regency during the 2019 Legislative Election should be able to place itself in a neutral position in accordance with the appeal of the circular letter from MENPAN-RB and the applicable regulations. To build a new paradigm for ASN's political position, the perpetrators of ASN neutrality violations should be fostered because most do not understand their position. For ASN which shows partiality, the organizer (Bawaslu) should take action on this matter. Keywords: political position, civil servants, legislative elections.

Juscelino Kubitschek and the 1960 Presidential Election

1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-145
Author(s):  
Sheldon Maram
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Presidential Candidate ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Direct Election

Brazilian specialists have long recognised the importance of the 1960 presidential elections, which set in motion a process that culminated in a 21—year military dictatorship. Only in 1989 did Brazilians witness once again the direct election of a president. Nonetheless, scholarly literature on this event is sparse and often tends toward the ahistorical view that the election of Jânio Quadros in 1960 was part of an inexorable process. Almost entirely ignored are the reasons why Brazil's largest political party, the Partido Social Democrático or PSD, nominated for president a weak candidate, Marshal of the Brazilian Army Henrique Teixeira Lott.1Clearly, Lott himself was not part of a praetorian guard that imposed his candidacy. Indeed, the Marshal was a reluctant candidate, who offered to withdraw in October 1959 in favour of a ‘national unity candidate’.2 In my view Lott's nomination had much more to do with a complex series of manoeuvres carried out by Brazil's president Juscelino Kubitschek (1956–61) than with his own actions. For Kubitschek, the political parties and presidential aspirants in 1960 were merely pawns in his highly personalistic vision of the political process. Constitutionally barred from seeking immediate re—election, Kubitschek initially manoeuvred to induce his party, the PSD, not to run its own presidential candidate. When this effort failed, he displayed, at the very least, ambivalence regarding the fate of the party's candidate.An analysis of Kubitschek's actions and motivations presents methodological challenges to the historian. Historians traditionally rely heavily on written documentation to support their analysis of actions and motivations.

scholarly journals Strategi Komunikasi Pemasaran Politik Pada Pemilu Legislatif

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 184
Author(s):  
Primus Adeodatur Latu Batara ◽  
Guntur Freddy Prisanto ◽  
Niken Febrina Ernungtyas ◽  
Irwansyah Irwansyah ◽  
Safira Hasna
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Communication Strategies ◽  
Communication Strategy ◽  
Political Marketing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Marketing Communication ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Electoral District ◽  
Fierce Competition

The large number of parties in the 2019 legislative elections made political parties have to compete for political power in their constituencies. Political marketing communication strategies are needed to get the most votes and win in the democratic event every 5 years in Indonesia. East Nusa Tenggara I became one of the electoral districts that experienced fierce competition among the political parties, due to the large number of elite legislative members and political activists in this area. However, Nasdem as a new party was able to gain the most votes and won the 2019 legislative elections. Therefore, the objective of this study is to understand how the political marketing communication strategy used by Nasdem in East Nusa Tenggara Province, especially in the NTT electoral district I to win the 2019 legislative elections. The research used the concept of political parties, political campaigns, and political marketing communication using a qualitative approach and in-depth interview techniques. As a result, sales oriented political party marketing communication strategies used by Nasdem in the 2019 elections in the electoral district of East Nusa Tenggara Province I won the most votes. This strategy aims to get the number of votes from potential voters, and the representation of parties and personal  figures that are 'sold' by political parties. Personal figures of the candidates have more impact  for winning legislative elections than political party ideologies.

scholarly journals MEASURING THE EXISTENCE OF ACEH'S LOCAL PARTIES IN ACEH LEGISLATIVE ELECTION 2009-2019

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 332
Author(s):  
Syarkawi Syarkawi ◽  
Hendri Koeswara ◽  
Desna Aromatica
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Public Knowledge ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Research Focus ◽  
Free Aceh Movement ◽  
Qualitative Descriptive ◽  
The Government ◽  
Legislative Election

This study aims to determine the existence of local political parties in Aceh in the 2009-2019 legislative elections. The presence of local political parties in Aceh is a the result of the peace conflict between the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Government Republic of Indonesia. The birth of a local political party in Aceh brought considerable influence large in the control of seats in the parliament in Aceh in its first participation in the 2009 legislative elections. However, his presence continues to experience According to him, the decline was in line with the number of votes in the next legislative election. This study aims to measure the existence of local political parties in Aceh in terms of 2009-2019 legislative elections. The research method uses the method qualitative descriptive with research focus on legislative elections at the provincial level Aceh in 2009-2019. The data collection techniques used are: interviews and documentation studies. The results showed that the existence of the party Aceh's local politics continues to decline as the number of votes and local political party seats in the 2014 and 2019 legislative elections when compared to the 2009 legislative elections. The decline in the existence of parties local politics in Aceh is measured from the concept of systemic degree, value identity, degree of autonomy and public knowledge

scholarly journals Partai Politik Islam dan Pemilihan Umum Studi Peningkatan Dukungan Elektoral PKB dan PPP Pada Pemilu Legislatif 2014 DPR RI di Dapil DKI Jakarta

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Donie Kadewandana Malik
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
Legislative Election

This study aimed to analyze the increase of voice support of Islamic parties (PKB and PPP) on Legislative Election 2014 House of Representative Republic of Indonesia in DKI Jakarta Constituency. Referring to the results of Legislative Elections on 2004 and 2009, PKB and PPP votes have significant decreased. However, political constellation changed in the 2014 election, votes of PKB and PPP have increased. The increase of electoral support of the majority of political parties on the legislative elections 2014, is a new phenomenon in the Reformation Era. Before 2014 election, there were predictions of analysts and institutions survey stated that the party vote-Islamic political party will be difficult to rise and tend to decline as in the 2004 and 2009 elections. But the forecast is not proven, the majority of Islamic political power has increased in the 2014 election. Therefore, this article will describe more about the factors causing the increase in electoral support of PKB and PPP on Legislative Election 2014 House of Representative Republic of Indonesia in DKI Jakarta Constituency

Making Americans Feel Great Again? Personal Significance Predicts Political Intentions of Losers and Winners of the 2016 US Election

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Jasko ◽  
Joanna Grzymala-Moszczynska ◽  
Marta Maj ◽  
Marta Szastok ◽  
Arie W. Kruglanski
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Transition ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Personal Significance ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Times

Reactions of losers and winners of political elections have important consequences for the political system during the times of power transition. In four studies conducted immediately before and after the 2016 US presidential elections we investigated how personal significance induced by success or failure of one’s candidate is related to hostile vs. benevolent intentions toward political adversaries. We found that the less significant supporters of Hillary Clinton and supporters of Donald Trump felt after an imagined (Study 1A) or actual (Study 2) electoral failure the more they were willing to engage in peaceful actions against the elected president and the less they were willing to accept the results of the elections. However, while significance gain due to an imagined or actual electoral success was related to more benevolent intentions among Clinton supporters (Study 1B), it was related to more hostile intentions among Trump supporters (Studies 1B, 2, and 3).

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