Activity of Opposition Telegram Channels and Behavioral Factor of Google Users as a Research Method for Analyzing the Protests in Belarus in 2020

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-77
Author(s):  
Kirill Ivanovich Nagornyak

The protests in the Republic of Belarus in August-November 2020 have been studied in article on the basis of data from Telegram Analytics and Google Trends, based on structural and functional analysis and a network approach, have been studied. A method of determining the cycles of protest activity is proposed, according to which Belarusian events can be divided into weekly periods. Specified protests are denoted as a network revolution - a state coup technology based on the concept of isolating the pillars of support for the political regime - he consistent paralysis of the states protection and management bodies, as well as the use of Internet resources for the mobilization, communication and coordination of protesters. The organizers of the network revolution have planned two options for the development of the state coup. The first one is the creation of a permanent hotbed of protests in the center of the capital and the gradual isolation of the pillars of support of the regime. The second one is holding a series of decentralized actions followed by consolidation and formation of a permanent hotbed of protests in the center of the capital and major cities. The experience of the events in Belarus showed that if the pillars of support for the regime are maintained, namely the bodies of state management and the institutions of internal protection of the Interior Ministry, the KGB, protests subside on the second week of protests.

Inner Asia ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-117
Author(s):  
Elvira Churyumova

This paper is a brief political and ethnographic commentary on the ‘issues of weakness’ in the current political leadership of Kalmykia. In the Republic of Kalmykia, southwest Russia, ideas about national leaders have been subject to change, depending on the political regime in Russia. Whereas in the Soviet period good leaders, both historical and contemporary, were thought to be skilful managers who did not necessarily have the power to change the course of history, in the post-Soviet period proper national leaders are considered to be those who are endowed with the power to influence history. According to the author, this change in the concept of leadership became possible owing to certain political developments in post-Soviet Kalmykia that allowed alternative ideas to contest some tenets of the Soviet historiography, such ideas remaining largely intact. The tension in Kalmyk historiography between old Soviet and new ideas is unresolved, a situation which is symptomatic of wider tensions and transformations occurring in Kalmyk society itself.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 98-117

This article discusses the evolution and main trends of the post-Communist political regime in the Republic of Moldova. The author’s argument is based on the premise that two opposing tendencies can be discerned in Moldova’s politics between 1990 and 2012. The first was defined by a ‘neo-Communist’ resistance and revival, while the second offered a democratic and reformist perspective, currently epitomized by the project of European integration. The author provides a comprehensive overview of the political transformations during the last two decades, focusing on Moldova’s successive governments and electoral cycles in the post-independence period. A special emphasis is placed upon the uneven, fragile and contested nature of the fledgling democratic processes, constantly weakened or thwarted by geopolitical uncertainty, corruption and the uneasy balance between political pluralism and post-totalitarian tendencies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-69
Author(s):  
С.Ю Чимаров

The article presents an analysis of new technologies of information warfare aimed at destabilizing the situation in the Republic of Belarus. Revealing the essential features of the digital activity of the opposition in the direction of changing the political regime, the author focuses on the potential of new social media operating in the modern «Internet» space.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Barbara Botter

This paper addresses the question of the relationship between the diaita, that is, the psychophysical conditions related to nutrition, and the political regime that it generates in Plato’s philosophy. It will be argued that the reasons that stimulate Plato’s critique to the dietary nomos, that emerge in the V-IV BC centuries following the development of the culinary technique, are especially political reasons. Our purpose is to find the relationship between a food habit and a government’s pattern. In order to attain the aim, the article is divided into the following parts: First, we argue about Plato’s interest in foods and the effects that food has on individual and on political health; Then we examine the Plato’s judgment about the new habits and their social influences; Finally, we analyse the relationship between diaita and politics in the Republic and Laws. Keywords: Plato, diaita, politics, nomos.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (16) ◽  
pp. 132-142
Author(s):  
Przemysław J. Sieradzan

The present paper is dedicated to the Republic of Kabardino-Balkaria – one of the subject of Russian Federation, in which two ethnic groups have a status of “titular nation”. The point of entry to the further considerations is an analysis of the phenomenon of “bi-titularism” in the context of the specifics of the political system of Union of Soviet Socialist Republic and Russian Federation. The further part of the study is dedicated to two ethnic groups, which are completely different in both cultural and linguistic aspect – Kabardians (who belong to Abkhaz-Adyghe superethnos) and Turkic Balkars. The influence of bi-titular model on the character of the political regime, inter-ethnic relations and stability of the regional situation.


Afrika Focus ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisée Tikonimbé Koupokpa

As it is the case for most of the African countries, Togo is looking for a constitutional system that ts its political, social and cultural realities. The 1990s were considered as a period of democratic revival, and from those years onwards the constitutional organization was directed towards a parliamentary type of regime which was rightfully or wrongfully seen as an instrument whereby the head of state's powers were limited. However, the unfortunate result of this kinds of organization of the political powers leads to another constitutional system which is more likely to be presidential. Key words: political regime, parliamentary Regime, presidential regime, head of state, president of the republic, prime minister, counterbalance 


Author(s):  
V. A. AVATKOV

The political regime of the Republic of Turkey created by Ataturk  have always combines two mutually exclusive principles of Islam and  western democracy. Fro a long period of time in its foreign  policy Ankara has been foolowing the west-oriented vector. Since  1952 Turkey has been the member of NATO and at the end of the  20th century made a strong application to become the member of the European Union. At the beginning of the 21st century pro- Western politics began to enter an increasingly obvious impasse.  Tukrey didn’t want to continue being a U.S. agent in the Middle East. However an attempt to play an active role in the region  led Turkey to almost complete international isolation. The  country was not ready a complete break in relations with influential Western allies. The loss of the status of an American agent would inevitably lead to a reduction of Turkey’s military-technical capabilities, and,  consequently, of the political influence that it was achieved in  cooperation with its Western patrons. The author comes to the  concludes that modern Turkey resembles a power which has not  determined its foreign policy priorities. It continues to pursue a  sufficiently risky policy of maneuvering between regional and global players.


Author(s):  
S. Astakhova

The protest activity after the presidential elections in 2020 caused a large-scale internal political crisis in Belarus. Currently, preparation for a constitutional reform is at the center of the political agenda in the republic. This scenario of an internal political settlement should create conditions for the transfer of power. Western sanctions against the Belarusian leadership have intensified the integration process within the Union State.


2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.


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