Agrarian change and agrarian crisis: state and peasantry in post-revolution Ethiopia

Africa ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dessalegn Rahmato

AbstractThis article reviews the agrarian policies of post-revolution Ethiopia and discusses the evolution of relations between the peasantry and the military state in the period 1975-90. In broad terms, state policy changed rapidly from simple, home-flavoured populism in the latter part of the 1970s to hard-line Stalinism in the 1980s. The various rural policies that followed, such as collectivisation, villagisation and resettlement, and their effect on the peasantry are briefly assessed. The central point is that these policies impeded the institutionalisation of the populist land reform, politicised agricultural programmes to the detriment of rural production, and embittered relations between state and peasantry. The article also deals with the structure of power in rural Ethiopia as it was beginning to emerge out of the radical reforms of the period in question. The newly evolving rural elite, peasants active in rural mass organisations, is shown to be closely linked with the state apparatus. The hardening of state policy on the one hand, and peasant resentment on the other, soon led to a sort of unholy alliance between the forces of the state at the local level and the rural elite, giving rise to corruption on a large scale. The rapid escalation of rural insurgency, while not directly addressed, is shown to have been a consequence of the deterioration of relations between peasants and the state. The reform of agrarian Stalinism hurriedly launched in 1990 - discussed at some length in the last section of the article - came much too late to rally the peasantry to the side of the state.

Author(s):  
Olga V. Khavanova ◽  

The second half of the eighteenth century in the lands under the sceptre of the House of Austria was a period of development of a language policy addressing the ethno-linguistic diversity of the monarchy’s subjects. On the one hand, the sphere of use of the German language was becoming wider, embracing more and more segments of administration, education, and culture. On the other hand, the authorities were perfectly aware of the fact that communication in the languages and vernaculars of the nationalities living in the Austrian Monarchy was one of the principal instruments of spreading decrees and announcements from the central and local authorities to the less-educated strata of the population. Consequently, a large-scale reform of primary education was launched, aimed at making the whole population literate, regardless of social status, nationality (mother tongue), or confession. In parallel with the centrally coordinated state policy of education and language-use, subjects-both language experts and amateur polyglots-joined the process of writing grammar books, which were intended to ease communication between the different nationalities of the Habsburg lands. This article considers some examples of such editions with primary attention given to the correlation between private initiative and governmental policies, mechanisms of verifying the textbooks to be published, their content, and their potential readers. This paper demonstrates that for grammar-book authors, it was very important to be integrated into the patronage networks at the court and in administrative bodies and stresses that the Vienna court controlled the process of selection and financing of grammar books to be published depending on their quality and ability to satisfy the aims and goals of state policy.


Author(s):  
E.V. Kirichenko

The article examines the phenomenon of Chinese replication. An attempt is made to identify the causes and consequences of such a large-scale replication as one of the leading areas of development of modern cultural industries with the support of the state policy of the PRC. Reproduction is considered as the initial stage of creativity in a new space, where originality and novelty are opposed to completeness.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-50
Author(s):  
Nadirsah Hawari ◽  
Rachma Octariani ◽  
Eva Rosalia ◽  
Sinta Arifka ◽  
Asep Candra

Abstract According to Islamic Shari'a, holding a public office is not a right for an individual, but an obligation for the State. Therefore, the government, both the regional head and all its officials, must select the most suitable and most suitable person for every government job. It should not be made of nepotism by looking at kinship, friendship, or faction from any relationship with the eligibility of someone to hold a position .The existing rulers should appoint officials from the best people (al-ashlah), the Prophet said which means "whoever holds a Muslim's business (meaning being a ruler) then he appoints someone to be an official even though he knows there are more people good for (benefit) of the Muslims, then really he has betrayed Allah and His Messenger "(Ibn Taimiyah). If the head of state or other officials do not find the right person for a certain position, in this situation they must choose the person who is more representative. Representative here means the person who is the most appropriate from the one for each government position. And also in this selection process, the head of state and other officials must know about the standards of eligibility al-quwwah (strength) and al-amanah (trust). Al-Quwwah is the ability and feasibility of a job assignment. Whereas trusteeship is a behavior that focuses on the management process regarding the position or function of a position that is in accordance with Islamic Shari'a with the intention of only devoting to Allah and not based on fear of humans and expecting their self-interest. nominating yourself is required to convey the vision and mission and the state program that will be implemented. In this case, the community or community is very necessary to obtain information on the candidate pairs who nominate themselves, and the campaign that can be used as a means of communicating politics and public education. The leaders, servants of the State, civil servants or the military, judges and so on, are essentially representations of the voices of the people they lead. The leaders are no more than public servants who must devote and dedicate their leadership to the benefit of the people. The leaders are only representatives of the fulfillment of the rights of the people, so that they are obliged to run the government properly.    Abstrak Menurut syariat islam, memegang suatu jabatan-jabatan umum bukanlah hak  bagi individu, melainkan kewajiban atasnya bagi Negara. Oleh sebab itu, pemerintah baik kepala daerah dan seluruh pejabatnya harus menyeleksi orang yang paling cocok dan paling layak bagi setiap pekerjaan pemerintahan.Tidak boleh beerbuat nepotisme dengan memandang kekerabatan, persahabatan, atau golongan dari manapun yang tidak ada hubunngannya dengan kelayakan seseorang untuk memegang suatu jabatan.Para penguasa yang telah ada hendaknya mengangkat para pejabat dari orang orang terbaik (al-ashlah), Nabi bersabda yang artinya“barang siapa memegang suatu urusan kaum muslimin (maksudnya menjadi penguasa) kemudian ia mengangkat seseorang menjadi pejabat padahal ia mengetahui ada orang yang lebih baik bagi (kemaslahatan) kaum muslimin, maka sungguh ia telah mengkhianati Allah dan Rasul-Nya” (Ibnu Taimiyah).Apabila kepala Negara atau para pejabat lainnya tidak menemukan orang yang tepat untuk suatu jabatan tertentu, dalam keadaan ini mereka harus memilih orang yang lebih representative. Representative disini memiliki arti yakni orang yang paling tepat dari yang ada untuk setiap jabatan pemerintahan. Dan juga dalam proses penyeleksian ini, kepala Negara dan pejabat lainnya harus mengetahui tentang standar kelayakan  al-quwwah (kekuatan) dan al-amanah (kepercayaan).Al-Quwwah ialah kemampuan dan kelayakan suatu tugas jabatan. Sedangkan amanah, merupakan perilaku yang dititik beratkan pada proses  pengelolaan perihal jabatan atau fungsi dari suatu jabatan yang sesuai dengan syariat islam dengan niat hanya bertaqwa kepada Allah dan bukan berdasar pada ketakutan kepada manusia dan mengharap pamrih dari mereka.Didalam pelaksanaan kampanye, pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri diharuskan untuk menyampaikan visi dan misi serta program kenegaraan yang akan dijalankan. Dalam hal ini, umat atau khalayak masyarakat sangat perlu untuk memperoleh informasi atas pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri tersebut, dan kampanyelah yang dapat dijadikan sebagai sarana berkomunikasi politik dan pendidikan masyarakat. Para pemimpin, abdi Negara, pegawai sipil atau militer, hakim dan lain sebagainya, pada hakikatnya merupakan representasi suara rakyat yang mereka pimpin. Para pemimpin tidaklah lebih dari pelayan masyarakat yang harus mengabdikan dan mendedikasikan kepemimpinannya untuk kemaslahatan rakyat. Para pemimpin hanyalah wakil akan pemenuh hak hak umat, sehingga mereka wajib menjalankan roda pemerintahan dengan baik.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-235
Author(s):  
Maryna Navalna ◽  
Yuliia Kaluzhynska

The article describes the most commonly used lexemes from the texts of contemporary Ukrainian periodicals, reveals new lexicalunits, expands thes copeof the operation oflexemasonmilitarytopicsinthemediamaterialsofsocio-political, military an do the rissues; thefunctional-stylistic role of military vocabulary in the language of the pressis determine dandemphasizedon a negative evaluation injournalistic materials. In the article for the study of military vocabulary in the language of Ukrainian periodicalsat the beginningof the XXI century observation and descriptivemethods are used. At different stagesof the study, the methodoffunctionalanalysis was used to determine the stylisticloadoflexicalunits. Itisconcludedthatdueto a numberofextra-linguistic factors of socio-politicalorientation, the modern Ukrainian language was enriched with new tokens of militaryactions, processesandstates, whichis reflectedin the pages ofthen ational pressof the seconddecade of the XXI century. Inparticular: thelevelofdevelopment of science and technology in the language environment, socio-politicalcondition sin the linguistic society, thestate language (terminology) policyinsociety, the functional statusof the state language, the international status of the national language. The military vocabulary is singled out into two groups: 1) the one that names persons; 2) the one that characterizes processes, actions and states. According to our observations, the most significant manifestations are lexemes of foreign origin for the nomination of persons. Quite often, military vocabulary has a negative coloring, contrasts with the neutral vocabulary and attracts the attention of the reader. The military vocabulary is still a little explored layer of lexicology and requires a thorough study, in particular, the question of replenishment of thematic groups, word-building potential of lexemes, etc.


In the same way that it is possible to understand warfare as organized violence with political ends, it is also useful to think of it as a particular condition of a society: a set of radically transforming experiences of individuals and communities; an unpredictable and chaotic process that defines identities and produces new forms of common life; and the creative space of a particular culture marked by different types of relationships between the members of a community. As can be seen from several historiographical traditions, there is a direct relationship between warfare and the process of state building: the state makes war and war makes the state. The regime established in America from the end of the 15th century to the 19th century can be explained by this relationship between institutional construction and the practice of violence. Like any empire of its time, the Spanish monarchy founded its authority, part of its legitimacy, its fiscal and administrative organization, its bureaucracy, its control systems, and its trade opportunities on the ground of warfare, and with these characteristics informed the slow and problematic processes of conquest, colonization, and subjection of the New World. Approaching Spanish America through both warfare and the military offers two major advantages: on the one hand, learning the history of its institutional, social, political, economic, and cultural development, and on the other, identifying the prolific historiography that has studied it. This bibliographical selection expresses both fields: the history of warfare in Spanish America and its changing historiography. The characteristics, pretensions, contradictions, and flaws of the Spanish institutional framework that for three centuries expanded from the Caribbean and came to dominate immense regions of North, Central, and South America until it entered into crisis and collapsed, leading to the emergence of national states, can be understood from its capacity to mobilize economic and human resources for warfare. Likewise, these very diverse armed forces involved in such processes were historical expressions of the societies that produced them. The studies in this bibliography express the historical complexity of Spanish America from the perspective of organization and experience of warfare. Although the sections are thematic, as far as possible the selection seeks to include in each case the broad spectrum of the three centuries of colonial domination; the sections referring to War Experiences do evolve with a more chronological criterion from conquests to independences and the emergence of national states.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lifeng Han

AbstractThe imperial boat-racing event, known as ‘Racing for the Target’ in the Northern Song capital Kaifeng in spring, was created at the close of the reunification campaign when the focus of the state policy was shifted towards internal cohesion. It signified the power and great order of the newly reunited empire. Through the re-interpretation of the event and its emulation at the local level, an imperial cultural language of boat racing was forged. It also allowed the imperial symbolism of ‘Racing for the Target’ to be communicated through the fabric of society. This paper treats performance and pageantry as a field of meaning production. It uses ‘Racing for the Target’ as an example to examine how symbols can be manipulated in the display of power. It argues that through the performance of ‘Racing for the Target’ the Song state with its political apparatus sought to establish its dominance over the symbolism of boat racing. Other versions of interpretation therefore were compelled to be confined within the imperial context.


1988 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 433-452 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricio Silva

For the last fifty years Chilean rural unionism has been characterised by a structural weakness vis-à-vis the state, political parties and the vested landed interests. For instance, the formation of peasant unions remained illegal until 1967 and, after a short period of strength during the land reform, they could only barely survive the military takeover of 1973. So, in marked contrast to miners and industrial workers – who since the 1930s have built strong national organisations and achieved significant bargaining power within Chilean society – peasant unions have always had to rely on the support of urban social and political forces to exist.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (S1-Feb) ◽  
pp. 254-258
Author(s):  
Revanna M L

During the First World War period, despite the best efforts by the Government of Mysore it was difficult to start and run many industries which required large -scale import of machineries. The First World War had broken the regular commercial traffic between Europe, the Mediterranean and India. On the one hand, the state escaped from the reckless floatation of companies that characterized the boom that followed the war, but some capital was invested in shares in outside companies. However as far as the investment in the new industries was concerned, capital was certainly shy in Mysore during the warperiod1. This situation continued even in the early twenties. Even during 1921-22, business conditions continued to be unfavorable throughout the year. Heavy losses were sustained by per-sons engaged in the business of piece-goods, timber, hides and skins and to a certain extent in food grains.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Georgia Whitaker ◽  
Ángela Vergara

On 11 July 1971, Chile’s National Congress, in a historic vote, unanimously approved reforming the constitution, which opened the door to nationalise the large-scale copper industry. Traditional historical accounts of the nationalisation of copper had emphasised a history of negotiations between foreign capital and the Chilean government, documenting how economists and political leaders experimented with different approaches to obtain a share of the profits from the country’s most valuable commodity. By focusing exclusively on the political economy, however, scholars have overlooked the role of workers during and after the process of nationalisation and failed to account for why copper miners continued to fight to protect a state-owned company. Influenced by Peter Winn’s Weavers of Revolution and recent studies on people’s experience during the Popular Unity (UP) era, this article looks at the nationalisation of copper from below. It analyses how workers fought for, understood and experienced the nationalisation; how the UP transformed labour relations at the local level; and how the military, after 1973, redesigned the state company. By placing workers at the centre of the nationalisation, this article can help better understand its importance as a matter of both political economy and workers’ power and explain why the copper mines became the first site of labour resistance against the military regime.


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