The Other Civil War: American Women in the Nineteenth Century

Throughout the nineteenth century, more and more Americans traveled abroad, especially after the American Civil War (1861-1865). Many, upon their return home, published their travel accounts. I have collected and analysed the published accounts of fifty American women. What follows is an investigation into how American women travelers who ventured to Palestine perceived and interacted with Palestine’s Bedouin populations by examining their published travel accounts.

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When Canvassers Became Activists: Antislavery Petitioning and the Political Mobilization of American Women

American Political Science Review ◽

10.1017/s000305541400029x ◽

2014 ◽

Vol 108 (3) ◽

pp. 479-498 ◽

Cited By ~ 35

Author(s):

DANIEL CARPENTER ◽

COLIN D. MOORE

Keyword(s):

Nineteenth Century ◽

Civil War ◽

Network Formation ◽

Political Mobilization ◽

The Political ◽

Present Evidence ◽

American Women ◽

Original Dataset ◽

Network Building ◽

Per Capita

Examining an original dataset of more than 8,500 antislavery petitions sent to Congress (1833–1845), we argue that American women's petition canvassing conferred skills and contacts that empowered their later activism. We find that women canvassers gathered 50% or more signatures (absolute and per capita) than men while circulating the same petition requests in the same locales. Supplementary evidence (mainly qualitative) points to women's persuasive capacity and network building as the most plausible mechanisms for this increased efficacy. We then present evidence that leaders in the women's rights and reform campaigns of the nineteenth century were previously active in antislavery canvassing. Pivotal signers of the Seneca Falls Declaration were antislavery petition canvassers, and in an independent sample of post–Civil War activists, women were four times more likely than men to have served as identifiable antislavery canvassers. For American women, petition canvassing—with its patterns of persuasion and networking—shaped legacies in political argument, network formation, and organizing.

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Introduction

Reinventing Liberty ◽

10.3366/edinburgh/9781474402965.003.0001 ◽

2016 ◽

Author(s):

Fiona Price

Keyword(s):

Nineteenth Century ◽

Civil War ◽

Historical Fiction ◽

Historical Novel ◽

The Other ◽

The Future ◽

The One ◽

Historical Past ◽

The Impact

The historical novel has often been defined in the terms set by Walter Scott’s fiction, as a reflection on a clear break or change between past and present. Returning to the range of historical fiction written before Scott, Reinventing Liberty explores this often neglected and misunderstood genre by reconstructing how conservatives and radicals fought through the medium of the historical past over the future of Britain. Aware of the events of the Civil War and 1688, witness to the American and French Revolutions, Scott’s precursors realized the dangers of absolutism, on the one hand, and political breakage, on the other. Interrogating the impact of commercial modernity, the works considered here do not adopt the familiar nineteenth-century Whig narrative of history as progress but instead imagine and reimagine the possibilities of transition. As such, they lay the groundwork for the British myth of political gradualism, while problematizing the rise of capital.

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“In the Midst of Sorrow and Death”

Preaching with Their Lives ◽

10.5422/fordham/9780823289646.003.0003 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 43-64

Author(s):

Margaret M. McGuinness

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Nineteenth Century ◽

Civil War ◽

Yellow Fever ◽

The United States ◽

Early Years ◽

The Other ◽

Subsequent Work ◽

Religious Women ◽

Dominican Sisters

This essay focuses on the work of Dominican Sisters in Memphis and Nashville during the second half of the nineteenth century. To a certain extent, their work often followed the trajectory of other congregations of religious women. They were sought after by priests and bishops, for example, who were anxious to establish schools and orphanages but needed religious women to staff and minister these institutions. On the other hand, the circumstances surrounding the arrival and subsequent work of the Dominicans in Memphis and Nashville differed dramatically from many of their counterparts in other parts of the United States. The sisters’ early years in Tennessee were marked by the devastation resulting from Civil War battles being fought on or perilously close to their properties. Following the war, Memphis and Nashville Dominicans experienced three outbreaks of yellow fever within a decade, as well as financial struggles that placed them in danger of being forced to abandon their schools and orphanages. Today, the Dominicans remain an active presence in both cities.

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The Spanish Reception of Le Sacre du Printemps (1913–1936)

Dance Research ◽

10.3366/drs.2018.0220 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 36 (1) ◽

pp. 48-66

Author(s):

Idoia Murga Castro

Keyword(s):

Nineteenth Century ◽

Civil War ◽

Spanish Civil War ◽

Original Work ◽

Silver Age ◽

Avant Garde ◽

Ballets Russes ◽

Rite Of Spring ◽

Le Sacre Du Printemps ◽

Cultural Expansion

Centenary celebrations are being held between 2016 and 2018 to mark the first consecutive tours of Diaghilev's Ballets Russes in Spain. This study analyses the Spanish reception of Le Sacre du Printemps (The Rite of Spring) (1913), one of its most avant-garde pieces. Although the original work was never performed in Spain as a complete ballet, its influence was felt deeply in the work of certain Spanish choreographers, composers, painters and intellectuals during the so-called Silver Age, the period of modernisation and cultural expansion which extended from the end of the nineteenth century to the beginning of the Spanish Civil War.

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The incumbent, challenger, and population during revolution and civil war

The Economics of Peace and Security Journal ◽

10.15355/epsj.14.2.32 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 14 (2) ◽

Author(s):

Kjell Hausken ◽

Mthuli Ncube

Keyword(s):

Civil War ◽

Public Goods ◽

Arab Spring ◽

The Other ◽

Time Period ◽

Geographic Regions

We consider revolutions and civil war involving an incumbent, a challenger, and the population. Revolutions are classified into eight outcomes. In four outcomes incumbent repression occurs (viewed as providing sub-threshold benefits such as public goods to the population). Accommodation occurs in the other four outcomes (benefits provision above a threshold). The incumbent and challenger fight each other. The incumbent may win and retain power or else lose, thereby causing standoff or coalition. In a standoff, which is costly, no one backs down and uncertainty exists about who is in power. In a coalition, which is less costly, the incumbent and challenger cooperate, compromise, and negotiate their differences. If the population successfully revolts against the incumbent, the challenger replaces the incumbent. Eighty-seven revolutions during 1961–2011, including the recent Arab spring revolutions, are classified into the eight outcomes. When repressive, the incumbent loses 46 revolutions, remains in power through 21 revolutions, and builds a coalition after 12 revolutions. When accommodative, the incumbent loses seven revolutions and builds a coalition after one revolution. The 87 revolutions are classified across geographic regions and by time-period.

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Óscar Romero and the Politics of Sainthood

Postscripts The Journal of Sacred Texts and Contemporary Worlds ◽

10.1558/post.v5i3.265 ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 5 (3) ◽

pp. 265-291

Author(s):

Manuel A. Vasquez ◽

Anna L. Peterson

Keyword(s):

Human Rights ◽

Civil War ◽

El Salvador ◽

The Other ◽

Post Colonial ◽

Holy See ◽

The Poor ◽

The Face ◽

Crisis Of Modernity ◽

The One

In this article, we explore the debates surrounding the proposed canonization of Archbishop Oscar Romero, an outspoken defender of human rights and the poor during the civil war in El Salvador, who was assassinated in March 1980 by paramilitary death squads while saying Mass. More specifically, we examine the tension between, on the one hand, local and popular understandings of Romero’s life and legacy and, on the other hand, transnational and institutional interpretations. We argue that the reluctance of the Vatican to advance Romero’s canonization process has to do with the need to domesticate and “privatize” his image. This depoliticization of Romero’s work and teachings is a part of a larger agenda of neo-Romanization, an attempt by the Holy See to redeploy a post-colonial and transnational Catholic regime in the face of the crisis of modernity and the advent of postmodern relativism. This redeployment is based on the control of local religious expressions, particularly those that advocate for a more participatory church, which have proliferated with contemporary globalization

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