Industrial Relations around the World: Labour Relations for Multinational Companies.

1994 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 200
Author(s):  
James Fulcher ◽  
Miriam Rothman ◽  
Dennis R. Briscoe ◽  
Raoul C. D. Nacamulli
ILR Review ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 185
Author(s):  
John P. Windmuller ◽  
Miriam Rothman ◽  
Dennis R. Briscoe ◽  
Raoul C. B. Nacamulli

2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Gumbrell-McCormick ◽  
Richard Hyman

Since the Webbs published Industrial Democracy at the end of the nineteenth century, the principle that workers have a legitimate voice in decision-making in the world of work – in some versions through trade unions, in others at least formally through separate representative structures – has become widely accepted in most West European countries. There is now a vast literature on the strengths and weaknesses of such mechanisms, and we review briefly some of the key interpretations of the rise (and fall) of policies and structures for workplace and board-level representation. We also discuss the mainly failed attempts to establish broader processes of economic democracy, which the eclipse of nationally specific mechanisms of class compromise makes again a salient demand. Economic globalization also highlights the need for transnational mechanisms to achieve worker voice (or more radically, control) in the dynamics of capital–labour relations. We therefore examine the role of trade unions in coordinating pressure for a countervailing force at European and global levels, and in the construction of (emergent?) supranational industrial relations. However, many would argue that unions cannot win legitimacy as a democratizing force unless manifestly democratic internally. Therefore we revisit debates on and dilemmas of democracy within trade unions, and examine recent initiatives to enhance democratization.


Author(s):  
Philippe D’Iribarne ◽  
Sylvie Chevrier ◽  
Alain Henry ◽  
Jean-Pierre Segal ◽  
Geneviève Tréguer-Felten

The institutional mechanisms that regulate labour relations will be all the more effective that they make sense within the cultural universes of meaning of the negotiating partners. This close linkage is illustrated by two contrasting situations. The first, which stands as a counterexample, takes place in a French territory of the South Pacific where transferred institutions induce deep misunderstandings between managers from metropolitan France and Oceanian trade unionists. The second is located in the United States. In that case, the bargaining system fits the American interpretations of labour relations in terms of market relations. This coherence sheds light on the performance and longevity of a bargaining system that is unparalleled in the rest of the world.


Author(s):  
Ifeanyi P. Onyeonoru ◽  
Kehinde Kester

Social dialogue as an aspect of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) is aimed at promoting industrial democracy by encouraging consensus building among social partners in the work place. The significance lies, among others, in minimising conflicts to enable harmonious industrial relations. This study utilized specific case illustrations to examine the inclination of the Nigerian government towards social dialogue in government-labour relations, with particular reference to the Obasanjo era 1999-2007— a period associated with the globalization of democracy. The cases included the minimum wage award 2000, University Autonomy Bill, the price deregulation of the downstream oil sector and the Trade Union Amendment Bill 2004. It was found that the government exhibited a penchant for authoritarianism in spite of the globalization of democracy. This was evident in the incapacity of the Obasanjo government to engage the social partners in social dialogue as indicated by the cases reviewed. The study, however, highlighted the modest contribution to social dialogue made by the wider democratic structure. It was concluded that the government had limited capacity for consensus building, accommodation of opposition and negotiated outcomes in government-labour relations


2021 ◽  
pp. 002218562110000
Author(s):  
Michele Ford ◽  
Kristy Ward

The labour market effects in Southeast Asia of the COVID-19 pandemic have attracted considerable analysis from both scholars and practitioners. However, much less attention has been paid to the pandemic’s impact on legal protections for workers’ and unions’ rights, or to what might account for divergent outcomes in this respect in economies that share many characteristics, including a strong export orientation in labour-intensive industries and weak industrial relations institutions. Having described the public health measures taken to control the spread of COVID-19 in Indonesia, Cambodia and Vietnam, this article analyses governments’ employment-related responses and their impact on workers and unions in the first year of the pandemic. Based on this analysis, we conclude that the disruption caused to these countries’ economies, and societies, served to reproduce existing patterns of state–labour relations rather than overturning them.


1983 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noah M. Meltz ◽  
Frank Reid

The Canadian Government has introduced a work-sharing program in which lay offs are avoided by reducing the work week and using unemployment insurance funds to pay workers short-time compensation. Compared to the lay-off alternative, there appear to be economic benefits to work-sharing for both management and employees. Reaction to the scheme has been generally positive at the union local level and the firm level, but it has been negative at the national level of both labour and management. These divergent views can be explained mainly as a result of short-run versus long-run perspectives. Managers at the firm level see the immediate benefit of improved labour relations and the avoidance of the costs of hiring and training replacements for laid-off workers who do not respond when recalled. The national business leaders are more concerned with work incentive and efficiency aspects of work-sharing.


1970 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
John Trevor Campling

The article locates the forces precipitating the radical changes in employment practices in British Commercial Television since the mid 1980s and proceeds to discuss the various dintensions of these employment reforms jron1 a "flexible firm" perspective. It is argued that perceived pressure from government, rather than jron1 the product market, triggered the unilateral imposition by management of "flexible" employment practices. In addition, key industrial events in British comnzercial television, such as the dissolution of national multi-employer collective bargaining arrangenzents and the strike and lockout at TVam, combined with the numerous changes to national labour relations legislation, shifted the balance of industrial power to management. This allowed "flexible" practices to be introduced nzore rapidly and without disruptive opposition from the broadcasting unions. Whilst the new "flexible" employment arrangetnents have reduced labour costs dramatically in the short term, some of the practices are inconsistent, resulting in employee morale and product quality problems. With governments in New Zealand and Australia pursuing a variety of policies to inject greater "flexibility" and less regulation into product markets, labour I markets and work places, they should pay close attention to the lessons that can be learnt from the British commercial television experience. The impact upon productivity, work practices, and employment levels of politically instigated employmnent change is of importance to an industry; facing such circumstances. It is also contributes to the wider debate on the origins and nature of employment flexibility and changes in industrial relations.


2005 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 851-859 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Dastmalchian ◽  
Raymond Adamson ◽  
Paul Blyton

This study aims at devising a set of scales for measuring the climate of industrial and labour relations within organizations


Author(s):  
Anthony R. Henderson ◽  
Sarah Palmer

This essay addresses the impact of industrialisation on the experience of work during the early 1800s. It presents the idea that industrial relations focused less on trade unions and more on broad labour/management contact and gave a new emphasis to the significance of the labour process. Also featured is a map of The Port of London in the 1830s, which is used as an example for evidence of change within the pre-industrial pattern of management/labour relations.


Today, though often we do not know, all of us are producers of information. The social web has changed the communication at every level, but participation is now so easy and so far from really advanced competences, that the technological awareness of people in latest years is possibly, overall, decreasing. Connection of media rarely match a correspondent connection of the human minds, let free from the trouble of choosing and less able to make decisions, and we probably should have to look less at the market and more at real people. Technology could give everything we need to be active actors on the stage of the world, but – this is true for culture as well as food - we are as at a crossroads where we can decide if to be active managers and producers of an important part of them, or buy everything, food and culture, from the multinational companies.


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