Turkish Political Advertising: A Content Analysis of Newspaper Political Advertisements Between 1977 and 2007

İlef Dergisi ◽  
2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mustafa BÖLÜKBAŞI
2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Agu Uudelepp

The author argues in the present article that although propaganda is considered mostly a tool of ideological communication suitable for use during wars or in totalitarian states, it is still used in contemporary democratic societies at peacetime and there are no major differences between employing instruments of propaganda in the public or the private sectors. The present analysis is based on the similarities and differences between Estonian political television advertisements and modern television commercials with an emphasis on the application of propaganda instruments. The author employed content analysis when studying the sample in which were 100 non-political and 84 political advertisements. This research shows that Estonian political television advertisements and international non-political television advertisements share some significant similarities: cognitive propaganda instruments are more widely employed than social ortechnological ones. The role oftechnological propaganda instruments is diminishing and such instruments are replaced by structural ones. A major difference is that, on average, there are more propaganda instruments per advertisement in political television advertisements than in non-political television advertisements, and technological propaganda instruments are not employed in non-political television advertisements.


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-35
Author(s):  
Seerat Sohal ◽  
Harsandaldeep Kaur

The present study is an endeavour to broaden the research on the use of social media websites in political campaigns beyond the ambit of developed countries. This article focuses on scrutinizing the role of YouTube during 2014 Indian Parliamentary elections—the first ‘social media’-based elections in India. The methodology of data collection incorporates the content analysis of 147 YouTube-based audio–visual political advertisements, associating the message characteristics (natures, types and appeals) with message reach (number of views) and viewer engagement (types of comments). The results reveal the failure of the viewers to recognize the association between message reach and viewers’ engagement with message characteristics, confirming the ‘marginal’ use of YouTube. However, the study recommends the incorporation of contemporary, Internet-based social media advertising tools along with the traditional tools in the future political marketing campaigns. This article is instrumental for political marketers and consultants in devising political marketing strategies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 356-367
Author(s):  
Mohd Helmi Abd Rahim ◽  
◽  
Novel Lyndon ◽  
Nazrin Shahnaz Peer Mohamed ◽  
◽  
...  

1972 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 446-452 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Bowers

Study of political advertisements in largest dailies in 23 states shows nearly half of statements are about issues. Ads for congressional and minor party candidates emphasize issues less.


1999 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 279-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynda Lee Kaid ◽  
Mitchell S. McKinney ◽  
John C. Tedesco ◽  
Kim Gaddie

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Maghfira Faraidiany ◽  
Heri Kusmanto ◽  
Warjio Warjio

In connection with general elections, the role of political advertising is very important because it is considered to be a political engine for candidates in an effort to show their existence and efforts to attract and gain support during the campaign period. The use of identity in political advertising is used to influence voters' political choices. The 2018 North Sumatra regional election was attended by two pairs of candidates who met the requirements of the KPU. They are Edy Rahmayadi and Musa Rajeck Shah who are familiarly called Ijeck (Eramas) and Djarot Saiful Hidayat and Sihar Sitorus (Djoss). The two candidates played the issue of identity together in their political advertisements. This study aims to explain what identities are used in the candidates' political advertisements. From the results of the study it can also be concluded that the issue of identity politics can still be seen from the advertisements of both pairs of candidates and they also use identity issues to increase support.


Communication ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
William L. Benoit

The first political television advertisement was run by Senator Benton of Connecticut in 1950. The first presidential TV spots were broadcast two years later, when Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower defeated Democrat Adlai Stevenson. These messages have become an extremely important means of communication with voters, particularly for higher-level offices. Billions of dollars are spent on political advertising in America. Obama became the first candidate ever to decline federal funding for the general election campaign, which meant he could spend all he could raise; McCain accepted federal funding, which imposed limits on his spending. Television spots are important for several reasons. The candidate has complete control over the content of these messages; the news selects and often interprets information from candidates. Unlike ads, debates include opponents and candidates may face questions they would rather avoid. TV spots also allow targeting of messages by selecting which markets ads are broadcast in and which programs they are broadcast on. In presidential campaigns this is extremely important because candidates in recent campaigns focus advertising on the states which are “in play” (“battleground states”), states with electoral votes that could be won by either candidate. Although it is increasingly easy for citizens with little interest in the campaign to avoid exposure to political advertising (DVDs, the Internet, and most of cable and satellite TV, for example, do not include such messages), TV spots have the greatest chance of reaching voters who do not seek out information on the campaign. Furthermore, with today’s constantly increasing population, candidates running for offices such as senator and governor—and, in the early 21st century, increasingly for lower offices as well—cannot hope to reach a large proportion of constituents without using TV spots. Political groups, such as PACs (Political Action Committees) or 527s (named after a provision of a campaign finance law) also broadcast political advertisements in the United States. Although some countries have laws regulating the use of political television advertising, this message form is also becoming important in other countries besides the United States. Finally, as we will see below, there is no question that televised political advertising has effects on viewers.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Adrian Brosens

This thesis uses a triangulated methodology of focus groups, semiotic analysis, and content analysis to categorize and analyze the televised negative political advertisements aired during the Canadian federal elections between 1993 and 2006. How these attacks made against the conservative parties during this timeframe were interpreted by mothers of adolescent children receives particular considerations. The findings demonstrate that during this period the Canadian debate between individualism and communitarianism was prevalent in these political advertisements. It is argued that propaganda methods, namely the name calling technique, were used effectively by the left-wing parties to emphasize specific ideological traditions in conservatism and to link the conservative parties to the United States of America for strategic purposes. The author contends that political advertisements are complex expressions of a party's ideology and goals, thus this campaign tool ought to be studied more by Canadian academics.


1997 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 703-717 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxwell McCombs ◽  
Juan Pablo Llamas ◽  
Esteban Lopez-Escobar ◽  
Federico Rey

Traditional agenda-setting theory is about the influence of mass media on the public's focus of attention, who and what people are thinking about. The expanded theory of agenda setting tested here during the 1995 regional and municipal elections in Spain elaborates the influence of the mass media on how people think about persons and topics in the news. Combining content analysis and survey data, this study documents the influence of newspapers, TV news, and both TV and newspaper political advertising on Spanish voters' images of political candidates.


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