scholarly journals The Rise of the State: Broadband Policy in New Zealand 2000-2011

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Jordan Tracy Carter

<p>Between 2000 and 2011, changes in government policy significantly increased the role of the state in telecommunications markets in New Zealand. In both regulatory and investment activities, the historic approach of liberal market regulation was transformed into active intervention. This changed approach aimed at speeding access to high-speed broadband services. There was a remarkable lack of political debate between the major political parties as to the objective being sought, or direction of policy towards greater intervention in order to achieve it. This research outlines in broad terms the background to the debates underpinning policy change, and the history of New Zealand’s approach. It outlines in detail the key policy changes made. In the regulatory domain, four key changes are discussed. These are: the implementation of sector-specific legislation (Telecommunications Act 2001); the decision not to unbundle the copper local loop (2004); amendments to the Telecommunications Act strengthening the regulator and imposing ‘operational separation’ of Telecom (2006); and the ‘structural separation’ of Telecom and the debate on regulatory forbearance (2011). By the end of the case period, these changes meant that generic competition law had been replaced by sector-specific legislation, a specialist regulator with broad powers to monitor and regulate the industry, and a leading solution to discrimination issues with the complete ownership separation of network and services in copper and fibre-optic telecommunications networks. In the investment domain, five key stages are discussed. These are: Project PROBE (2001-4), the Broadband Challenge (2005), the Broadband Investment Fund (2008), the Ultra-Fast Broadband Initiative (2009) and the Rural Broadband Initiative (2009). Together these saw public spending on telecommunications infrastructure rise from nothing in 2000, to a combined package in the two final (and current) initiatives of around $1.6bn of public funds. This money combines with private investment to deliver fibre-optic broadband infrastructure to three-quarters of homes, and significant improvements to the availability of higher-speed broadband in rural and remote parts of New Zealand. Increasing levels of government intervention in these markets was an opportunity for considerable political contest. Instead the case period 2000-2011 is characterised by similarities rather than differences between National and Labour. The thesis suggests that an explanation for this similarity arose from the perceived importance of high-speed broadband infrastructure for New Zealand’s economic prospects, and a shared analysis by Labour and National that market provision would not suffice. This imperative defeated temptations to politicise the project.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Jordan Tracy Carter

<p>Between 2000 and 2011, changes in government policy significantly increased the role of the state in telecommunications markets in New Zealand. In both regulatory and investment activities, the historic approach of liberal market regulation was transformed into active intervention. This changed approach aimed at speeding access to high-speed broadband services. There was a remarkable lack of political debate between the major political parties as to the objective being sought, or direction of policy towards greater intervention in order to achieve it. This research outlines in broad terms the background to the debates underpinning policy change, and the history of New Zealand’s approach. It outlines in detail the key policy changes made. In the regulatory domain, four key changes are discussed. These are: the implementation of sector-specific legislation (Telecommunications Act 2001); the decision not to unbundle the copper local loop (2004); amendments to the Telecommunications Act strengthening the regulator and imposing ‘operational separation’ of Telecom (2006); and the ‘structural separation’ of Telecom and the debate on regulatory forbearance (2011). By the end of the case period, these changes meant that generic competition law had been replaced by sector-specific legislation, a specialist regulator with broad powers to monitor and regulate the industry, and a leading solution to discrimination issues with the complete ownership separation of network and services in copper and fibre-optic telecommunications networks. In the investment domain, five key stages are discussed. These are: Project PROBE (2001-4), the Broadband Challenge (2005), the Broadband Investment Fund (2008), the Ultra-Fast Broadband Initiative (2009) and the Rural Broadband Initiative (2009). Together these saw public spending on telecommunications infrastructure rise from nothing in 2000, to a combined package in the two final (and current) initiatives of around $1.6bn of public funds. This money combines with private investment to deliver fibre-optic broadband infrastructure to three-quarters of homes, and significant improvements to the availability of higher-speed broadband in rural and remote parts of New Zealand. Increasing levels of government intervention in these markets was an opportunity for considerable political contest. Instead the case period 2000-2011 is characterised by similarities rather than differences between National and Labour. The thesis suggests that an explanation for this similarity arose from the perceived importance of high-speed broadband infrastructure for New Zealand’s economic prospects, and a shared analysis by Labour and National that market provision would not suffice. This imperative defeated temptations to politicise the project.</p>


Author(s):  
Anton Kovalov ◽  
Svіtlana Prodashchuk ◽  
Vitalii Slobodianiuk ◽  
Ivan Shulzhenko ◽  
Olga Horbatenko

The article considers the effectiveness of the introduction of speed and high-speed traffic. The experience of foreign countries shows that the development of high-speed rail traffic has increased competitiveness between different modes of transport, population mobility, reduced the loss of passenger traffic by attracting additional passenger traffic and increased profits. The state of speed and high-speed passenger traffic in Ukraine is analyzed, the main factors influencing the possibility of introduction of such traffic are revealed. The main ones are: lack of state financial support and private investment for the modernization of the railway or the construction of specialized tracks, the purchase of special rolling stock. In conclusion, attention should be paid to improving the state of the railway infrastructure to increase the profits of the railway and the ability to further invest in the implementation of such projects.The method of determining the required investments from the sources necessary for the implementation of large-scale projects of public importance, which depend on the internal rate of return on the project, the internal rate of return in the industry and capital investment in the project. Economic justification of the expediency of the organization of high-speed and high-speed traffic in Ukraine is an investment project, which provides for a phased investment in construction, which will further receive annual profits from passenger transportation. To solve this type of problem, it is proposed to use the net discounted income that can be obtained during the project and after its completion. It takes into account the income achieved in a given year of calculation, the costs incurred in the same year, the discount rate set by the investor and the payback period of the project.If the demand factor for transportation fluctuates, it is possible to calculate the company's income for the following years and determine the payback period of the investment project.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ricardo Gobato ◽  
Alireza Heidari

An “explosive extratropical cyclone” is an atmospheric phenomenon that occurs when there is a very rapid drop in central atmospheric pressure. This phenomenon, with its characteristic of rapidly lowering the pressure in its interior, generates very intense winds and for this reason it is called explosive cyclone, bomb cyclone. With gusts recorded of 116 km/h, atmospheric phenomenon – “cyclone bomb” (CB) hit southern Brazil on June 30, the beginning of winter 2020, causing destruction in its influence over. One of the cities most affected was Chapecó, west of the state of Santa Catarina. The satellite images show that the CB generated a low pressure (976 mbar) inside it, generating two atmospheric currents that moved at high speed. In a northwest-southeast direction, Bolivia and Paraguay, crossing the states of Parana and Santa Catarina, and this draft that hit the south of Brazil, which caused the destruction of the affected states.  Another moving to Argentina, southwest-northeast direction, due to high area of high pressure (1022 mbar). Both enhanced the phenomenon.


This interdisciplinary volume presents nineteen chapters by Roman historians and archaeologists, discussing trade in the Roman Empire in the period c.100 BC to AD 350, and in particular the role of the Roman state, in shaping the institutional framework for trade within and outside the Empire, in taxing that trade, and in intervening in the markets to ensure the supply of particular commodities, especially for the city of Rome and for the army. The chapters in this volume address facets of the subject on the basis of widely different sources of evidence—historical, papyrological, and archaeological—and are grouped in three sections: institutional factors (taxation, legal structures, market regulation, financial institutions); evidence for long-distance trade within the Empire, in wood, stone, glass, and pottery; and trade beyond the frontiers, with the East (as far as China), India, Arabia, and the Red Sea, and the Sahara. Rome’s external trade with realms to the east emerges as being of particular significance to the fisc. But in the eastern part of the Empire at least, the state appears, in collaboration with the elite holders of wealth, to have adapted the mechanisms of taxation, both direct and indirect, to support its need for revenue. On the other hand, the price of that collaboration, which was in effect a fiscal partnership, in slightly different forms in East and West, in the longer term fundamentally changed the political character of the Empire.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kasey Hendricks

At their most basic level taxes carry, in the words of Schumpeter ([1918] 1991), “the thunder of history” (p. 101). They say something about the ever-changing structures of social, economic, and political life. Taxes offer a blueprint, in both symbolic and concrete terms, for uncovering the most fundamental arrangements in society – stratification included. The historical retellings captured within these data highlight the politics of taxation in Alabama from 1856 to 1901, including conflicts over whom money is expended upon as well as struggles over who carries their fair share of the tax burden. The selected timeline overlaps with the formation of five of six constitutions adopted in the State of Alabama, including 1861, 1865, 1868, 1875, and 1901. Having these years as the focal point makes for an especially meaningful case study, given how much these constitutional formations made the state a site for much political debate. These data contain 5,121 pages of periodicals from newspapers throughout the state, including: Alabama Sentinel, Alabama State Intelligencer, Alabama State Journal, Athens Herald, Daily Alabama Journal, Daily Confederation, Elyton Herald, Mobile Daily Tribune, Mobile Tribune, Mobile Weekly Tribune, Morning Herald, Nationalist, New Era, Observer, Tuscaloosa Observer, Tuskegee News, Universalist Herald, and Wilcox News and Pacificator. The contemporary relevance of these historical debates manifests in Alabama’s current constitution which was adopted in 1901. This constitution departs from well-established conventions of treating the document as a legal framework that specifies a general role of governance but is firm enough to protect the civil rights and liberties of the population. Instead, it stands more as a legislative document, or procedural straightjacket, that preempts through statutory material what regulatory action is possible by the state. These barriers included a refusal to establish a state board of education and enact a tax structure for local education in addition to debt and tax limitations that constrained government capacity more broadly. Prohibitive features like these are among the reasons that, by 2020, the 1901 Constitution has been amended nearly 1,000 times since its adoption. However, similar procedural barriers have been duplicated across the U.S. since (e.g., California’s Proposition 13 of 1978). Reference: Schumpeter, Joseph. [1918] 1991. “The Crisis of the Tax State.” Pp. 99-140 in The Economics and Sociology of Capitalism, edited by Richard Swedberg. Princeton University Press.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Wenqi Chen ◽  
Hui Tian ◽  
Chin-Chen Chang ◽  
Fulin Nan ◽  
Jing Lu

Cloud storage, one of the core services of cloud computing, provides an effective way to solve the problems of storage and management caused by high-speed data growth. Thus, a growing number of organizations and individuals tend to store their data in the cloud. However, due to the separation of data ownership and management, it is difficult for users to check the integrity of data in the traditional way. Therefore, many researchers focus on developing several protocols, which can remotely check the integrity of data in the cloud. In this paper, we propose a novel public auditing protocol based on the adjacency-hash table, where dynamic auditing and data updating are more efficient than those of the state of the arts. Moreover, with such an authentication structure, computation and communication costs can be reduced effectively. The security analysis and performance evaluation based on comprehensive experiments demonstrate that our protocol can achieve all the desired properties and outperform the state-of-the-art ones in computing overheads for updating and verification.


Author(s):  
Myra J. Tait ◽  
Kiera L. Ladner

AbstractIn Canada, Treaty 1 First Nations brought a claim against the Crown for land debt owed to them since 1871. In 2004, Crown land in Winnipeg became available that, according to the terms of the settlement, should have been offered for purchase to Treaty 1 Nations. Similarly, in New Zealand, the Waikato-Tainui claim arose from historical Crown breaches of the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi. In 1995, a settlement was reached to address the unjust Crown confiscation of Tainui lands. Despite being intended to facilitate the return of traditional territory, compensate for Crown breaches of historic treaties, and indirectly provide opportunity for economic development, in both cases, settlement was met with legal and political challenges. Using a comparative legal analysis, this paper examines how the state continues to use its law-making power to undermine socio-economic development of Indigenous communities in Canada and New Zealand, thereby thwarting opportunity for Indigenous self-determination.


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