scholarly journals On the Political Nature of “Market Dominance” in the Energy Sector (1973 Crisis)

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-81
Author(s):  
L.  V. Krutakov
Keyword(s):  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Current Crisis ◽  
Bretton Woods ◽  
Yom Kippur War ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Model ◽  
Oil Crisis ◽  
Oil Embargo

The article attempts to analyze the oil crisis of 1973 from the perspective of changes in the world financial system’s functioning. The author takes as the starting point of the crisis not the “oil embargo” of the Arab countries in response to the Yom Kippur War, but Richard Nixon’s decree of 1971 on the rejection of the gold fixing the dollar (Nixon Shock). The result was a transformation of the mechanisms and principles of the Bretton Woods system. According to the author, the economy and the socio-political model of the Western countries, subsequently (after the collapse of the socialist camp) of the whole world, underwent a transformation. The article’s relevance is due to the fundamental similarity of the parameters and characteristics of the world economy’s current crisis with the crisis of 1973, which gives the author reason to consider the current crisis a relapse. The author proves that the current global crisis is caused by the shortcomings and costs of the socio-economic model formed in 1973 On the agenda are the same questions and problems that were not answered 50 years ago.

Political Governance in Higher Education

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-117
Author(s):  
Adnan ElAmine
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Public Universities ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Quality Of Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Model ◽  
Governance In Higher Education ◽  
Political Governance

This paper uses a model of governance in higher education, called the political model, that explains the role of universities as agencies of control and socialization, with a resulting repercussion on the quality of education. It compares this model with common models such as the academic, Napoleonic, market-oriented and managerial. It undertakes a review of ten published cases studies, each dealing with the oldest public universities in ten Arab countries, using a historical approach, from their inception until 2016. Among the ten public universities, nine fall into the category of the political model, while the tenth represents the Napoleonic model. The discussion opens the field for further research.

Análise das Políticas Públicas para a Educação Superior no Brasil: o Processo de Formulação e os Grupos de Interesses

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 356
Author(s):  
Marcio Mugnol
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
College Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
Education Evaluation ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
Political Model ◽  
Institutional Actors ◽  
And Control ◽  
Education In Brazil

O presente texto pretende desenvolver uma análise do processo de políticas públicas para a educação superior no Brasil. Para isso, tomase como ponto de partida a discussão da complexidade nas relações entre o Estado e o setor privado de educação e a formação dos grupos econômicos educacionais. Parte-se do princípio que a partir da Lei de diretrizes e Bases da Educação -LDB nº 9394/96 consolidaram-se quatro grandes grupos: particulares, comunitárias, confessionais e filantrópicas, com afinidades de interesses comuns, entretanto destituídos de um comando central e de uma organização sistemática de atuação. Na tentativa de descortinar as dificuldades que estão por trás do modelo de políticas adotado para a educação superior brasileira, abordam-se os mecanismos utilizados pelos diferentes atores institucionais na defesa de seus interesses, bem como os aspectos econômicos e as implicações sociais das políticas colocadas em prática no cenário nacional. Cabe, ainda, destacar que, quando da defesa de interesses comuns, observa-se certa homogeneidade dos grupos no território nacional frente às iniciativas da administração pública que implicam no estabelecimento de regras e de critérios para regulação, avaliação e controle do setor, consideradas por esses próprios atores, limitantes para sua atuação. Palavras-chave: Políticas Públicas. Educação Superior. Avaliação e Regulação. Grupos de Interesse. AbstractThis paper aims to develop an analysis of the process of public policies for higher education in Brazil. For this, it is taken as a starting point the discussion of complexity in relations between the state and the Education private sector and the formationof educational economic groups. It starts from the principle that from the LDB 9394/96 four major groups were consolidated - private, community, religious and philanthropic - with affinities of common interests, however devoid of a central command and an operational systematic organization. In an attempt to uncover the difficulties that lie behind the political model adopted by the Brazilian higher education, we addressed the mechanisms used by the different institutional actors in the defense of their interests as well as the economics and social implications of policies put in place in national scene. It is also worth noting that, regarding thethe defense of common interests, there is a certain homogeneity of the groups in the National Front territory to government initiatives in involving the establishment of rules and criteria for regulation, evaluation and control of the sector, considered by these actors themselves , limiting to its operations. Keywords: Public Policy. College Education. Evaluation and Regulation. Interest Groups.

Working poor in the Netherlands?

2000 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 612-629 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Valkenburg ◽  
Harry Coenen
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Statistical Data ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Working Poor ◽  
The Political ◽  
Success Story ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The World

This contribution deals with the question of the existence of 'working poor' in the Netherlands. The rest of the world tends to see the Netherlands as a success story. It is against this background that we investigate whether there are people in the Netherlands that are in paid employment, but are nevertheless confronted with problems of poverty. The statistical data available at the macro-level give clear indications of the existence of 'working poor'. In the light of this fact, the issue of the 'working poor' should be given a more prominent place on the political and trade union agenda. The trade unions, in particular, should play a far more active role. They should make more detailed studies of the problem, taking as their starting point the day-to-day experience of those affected, and should design measures that are commensurate with the interests of these people.

scholarly journals Contradictions of international migration in terms of political economy

Stanovnistvo ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-82
Author(s):  
Kosta Josifidis ◽  
Alpar Losonc ◽  
Novica Supic
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
The State ◽  
Forced Labor ◽  
The Political ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The World ◽  
Authoritarian Statism ◽  
Proposed Regulation ◽  
National Trends ◽  
Political Economy Approach

The political economy approach that entails critical arguments in relation to the processes of migration in neoliberal terms is developed in the paper. Starting with the account that migration covers as broad issues as politics, economics and population dynamic, the authors address the issue of migration in the political economy circuits of neoliberalization. In fact, the main line of argument is connected to the political economy as the relevant discursive frame and explanatory principle for the articulation of the complexity of migration. Critical arguments relating to the processes of migration in the neoliberal context thematize the mechanism of implemented flexibilisation and deregulation of labor. Demographic dynamics is essential in this context, but the authors intend to identify those political economy processes that lead to high precariousness, to various forms of temporary labor which are closely associated with forced labor forms. The category of forced labor is emphasized in the contemporary forms of migration, because this mode of labor facilitates the migration throughout the world. Furthermore, the authors point out the contradictory position of the state in relation to the migration-processes and analyse the authoritarian statism. This argumentation leads to articulation of the contradictory position of neoliberalization. The neoliberal discourses bring out the critical stance concerning the supremacy of the state, but it plays a key role in the regulation of migration. The state exposed to migration is faced with the contradictory demands. The globalization indicates the world without borders but is faced with the same contradictions. It is no coincidence that the intention of the reconceptualizations of globalization are interested in promoting global public goods. The processes of privatization in the sphere of the regulation of migration sharpen the contradictions of migration in the context of neoliberalization. The political economy approach is faced with the tension between the two approaches. The first proposed regulation and workforce management at the supranational level. The other remains in the framework of ?methodological nationalism?: the appropriate starting point is the national state. Given the fact that structural inequalities should be recognized at a global level, and that processes of migration show that there is a certain hierarchical global flow in the context of the dynamics of workforce, the first approach proves to be inadequate. In other words, the second approach could not articulate the relevant tendencies. Accordingly, the political economy approach that intends to include complex determination regarding the migration should integrate the national trends in the supranational framework. But, proper research should take into account that globalization and its complex order consist of a number of interventions and interferences. This means that the aforementioned approach must develop sufficiently complex methodology in order to articulate its selected subject.

scholarly journals Sobre la dimensión política del resentimiento

2020 ◽  
pp. 5-23
Author(s):  
Gustavo Robles
Keyword(s):  
Social Experiences ◽  
Social Dimension ◽  
The Political ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Current Crisis ◽  
Social Transformations ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Social ◽  
Shed Light

El presente trabajo propone una reflexión sobre la dimensión política y social del resentimiento que permita una mejor comprensión del surgimiento de las extrema-derechas y la crisis contemporánea de las democracias. El punto de partida es considerar al resentimiento como una emoción que da cuenta de experiencias sociales y sensibilidades políticas que están en la base de los nuevos autoritarismos globales. Intentaré abordar esta cuestión recurriendo a un conjunto de reflexiones filosóficas sobre el resentimiento, a una consideración de las transformaciones sociales de las últimas décadas y a un análisis de su articulación en las nuevas políticas identitarias. Confío en que esto contribuirá a ampliar nuestra comprensión de lo que podríamos denominar “política del resentimiento” y de la actual crisis de la democracia. ---- The aim of this paper is to reflect on the political and social dimension of resentment to allow a better understanding of the emergence of far-right tendencies and the contemporary crisis of democracies. The starting point is to consider resentment as an emotion that accounts for social experiences and political sensitivities which are at the basis of the new global authoritarianism. I will try to approach this question by resorting to a set of philosophical reflections on resentment, to a consideration of the social transformations of the last decades and to an analysis of their political articulation in the new identity policies. This shall shed light on what we might call the "politics of resentment" and on the current crisis of democracy.

scholarly journals Narrating the story of a failed national transition: discourses on the Greek crisis, 2010–2014

HISTOREIN ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hara Kouki ◽  
Antonis Liakos
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Current Crisis ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
Greek Crisis ◽  
The World

<p>This article traces the construction of the dominant, promemorandum discourse that has been propagated by the political establishment and mainstream media in Greece interpreting the current crisis as a crisis of the national identity: Greece failed to reform where necessary due to the domination of the traditional political culture that is to be blamed for the failed transition since 1974 to postwar European modernity. This narrative is examined within broader narratives and discourses that have attempted in different periods to conceptualise and prescribe the transition to modernity followed not only by Greece, but by other societies the world over. This brief study enables us to think of this exceptional "failed transition" as a not so exceptional or failed transition, while at the same time to observe how societies in crisis turn to history so as to make sense of their present.</p>

Speaking for the ‘world power economy’: electricity, energo-materialist economics, and the World Energy Council (1924–78)

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-329
Author(s):  
Daniela Russ
Keyword(s):  
Global Energy ◽  
Electrical Systems ◽  
Concentrated Ownership ◽  
World Power ◽  
World Energy ◽  
The World ◽  
Energy Economy ◽  
Productive Factor ◽  
Oil Crisis ◽  
Oil Embargo

AbstractThe emergence of a field of global energy policy is usually traced back to the events around the 1973–74 oil embargo. This article provides a prehistory to this by tracing the genealogy of the ‘global energy economy’. This genealogy is reconstructed through the lens of the World Power Conference (WPC, today the World Energy Council, WEC), a non-governmental international organization founded by a British electro-technical engineer in 1924. In a comparison with the engineering of ‘natural forces’ in the nineteenth-century steam economy, I argue that electricity, and particularly large electrical systems, not only changed the meaning of power and institutionalized a regular documentation of the ‘power economy’, but enabled and concentrated ownership of the ‘forces of nature’ as a productive factor. This more comprehensive view of the role of electricity in the economy gave rise to an energo-materialist economics among the electro-technical engineers, technicians, and planners whom the WPC assembled. The WPC imagined itself as the centre of calculation of this ‘global energy economy’, initiating international standardization and complementing the statistics of international organizations such as the League of Nations and the United Nations. As the integration of all ‘energies’ in one statistical model required conversion factors across very different technical processes, it took the urgency of the oil crisis for the WEC to compile a global energy balance, thus statistically ‘representing’ the state of the ‘global energy economy’.

Itinerary

1980 ◽  
Vol 15 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 364-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques Freymond
Keyword(s):  
Daily Life ◽  
Fundamental Principle ◽  
Federal State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Structure ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The World ◽  
Post War ◽  
War Experience

WE ALL APPROACH THE POST-WAR PERIOD THROUGH THE PERspective of our own pre-war experience and, for those who lived through it, of the war itself. We approach it, with a country as a starting point, on the basis of the experiences and books which formed our vision of Europe and the world and made us aware of the problems facing contemporary societies. For me, the country is Switzerland: a federal state which has remained fundamentally a confederation of sovereign states, linked by an alliance, the framework of which has been filled in by the successive adaptations imposed upon it, but which have not led to anything which could be called integration. The political structure has been built by delegation from the grass roots, through crises which, although they have sometimes been violent, have never called into question the fundamental principle of cantonal sovereignty. Each canton has preserved its originality which, although it may not immediate1 strike the passers-by, is expressed in the different shades of accent and in the variations in daily life, even more than in the folklore, touching and sometimes almost a caricature, which surrounds it.

TOWARD AN UNDERSTANDING OF ARAB WOMEN ENTREPRENEURS IN BAHRAIN AND OMAN

2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (02) ◽  
pp. 123-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
KATHLEEN DECHANT ◽  
ASYA AL LAMKY
Keyword(s):  
Women Entrepreneurs ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Business Trend ◽  
Arab Women ◽  
Family Balance ◽  
Career Option ◽  
Start Up ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The World ◽  
Work Family

Entrepreneurship has become a defining business trend in many countries throughout the world. The ranks of entrepreneurs contain a sizable contingent of women. As a result, research into the pathways of entrepreneurship as a general phenomenon as well as a career option for women has flourished in recent years. However, very little of this research has focused on women entrepreneurs in Arab countries, particularly those around the Gulf of Arabia, where private enterprise is viewed as a way for these nations to reduce their reliance on oil and their dependence on expatriate (foreign) workers. This study of the business start-up experiences of ten Arab women from Bahrain and Oman can serve as a starting point for such research. Although based on a non-representative sample, it suggests that the experiences of the Arab women entrepreneurs studied generally parallel those of their counterparts from other parts of the world with a few distinct differences. These differences relate to securing start-up capital and other resources, networking, and work/family balance. Infused with Arab and Islamic values, the unique cultural milieu played a major role in shaping the entrepreneurial experiences of the Bahraini and Omani business owners studied.

The Revitalization of United States Aterritorial International Logic: The World Before and After the 1989 Invasion of Panama

1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 435-462
Author(s):  
Stewart Sutley
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Moral Vision ◽  
American States ◽  
Economic Production ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Production And Distribution ◽  
Political Problem

AbstractThis article suggests the existence of two rival solutions to the political problem of territorial possession and appropriation among states. If we take territorial control as the analytical starting point, it is possible to examine the evolution, over the last two centuries, of two divergent solutions to this issue. The nineteenth-century European response of supreme sovereignty within the context of a true community of states may be contrasted with that of the comity of republican American states sharing a moral vision and, more recently, US refinements of an aterritorial logic. The US invasion of Panama in 1989 may be understood as marking the resumption of the historical rivalry between these two logics and the widening of the application of US state practices and principles. Tracing the expansion of the American logic in this way helps to explain the greater focus among states on problems of economic production and distribution and the lesser focus on territorial appropriation.

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