scholarly journals TRADE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA UNDER THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-59
Author(s):  
Viktoriya Mashkara-Choknadiy ◽  
Yuriy Mayboroda

The pandemic of COVID-19 has influenced all sectors of social life, including the global economy and trade relations. The year of 2020 was marked with significant changes in internal and foreign economic policy of almost all nations. The purpose of the paper is to study the measures taken by the EU and the USA as the world's leading economies to regulate their foreign trade in the global crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. The tasks of the study are to show the influence of the crisis on changes of global trade policy in front of the threat to national security. Methodology. The study is based on the results of statistical analysis of data provided the WTO and the UNCTAD. The authors show an analytical assessment of the foreign trade indicators of the EU and the USA. Methods of comparison and generalization were used to formulate conclusions on regulatory trends in foreign trade of the US and the EU. Results allowed identifying specific features and changes in the regulation of foreign trade of the EU and the US, assessing the impact of the pandemic on their foreign trade. It was found that both mentioned players of the world economy have actively introduced both deterrent and liberalization measures during 2020, which were aimed at providing the domestic market with scarce COVID-related goods. The study shows the transition from export restricting to import liberalizing measures in foreign trade policies from the start of pandemic to the late 2020. Practical implications. Understanding and predicting the possible actions of partners (the US and the EU in this case) in the field of foreign trade regulation is an important practical aspect, which has to be taken into account when developing Ukraine's foreign trade policy. Value/originality. The study of foreign trade policy of the world's leading countries allows us to understand the behavior of governments of the countries that are largely dependent on participation in international trade in their development, to draw conclusions about the most common instruments of foreign trade policy in the time of humanitarian and economic crises.

Author(s):  
Michael Smith ◽  
Rebecca Steffenson

This chapter examines the evolution of the European Union's relations with the United States. More specifically, it looks at the ways in which EU–US relations enter into the international relations of the EU as well as the implications for key areas of the EU's growing international activity. The chapter begins with an overview of the changing shape and focus of the EU–US relationship as it enters into economic, political, and security questions. It then considers the impact of EU–US relations on the EU's system of international relations, on the EU's role in the processes of international relations, and on the EU's position as a ‘power’ in international relations. It shows that the EU–US relationship has played a key (and contradictory) role in development of the EU's foreign policy mechanisms.


Author(s):  
O.Y. Cheban ◽  
A.S. Kraskova

It is proven in the paper that the chosen topic is relevant due to the impact of China and the EU on the negotiations about the regulation of the Iranian nuclear program’s issue. In the article, it is done a comparative analysis of the policy of the EU and China regarding the regulation of the Iranian nuclear program’s problem. It is also mentioned in the paper that since the time of the US presidential administration of Donald Trump, the EU and China have been seen as valuable actors in resolving the Iranian nuclear program’s issue. For this reason, the main purpose of the work is a review of the influence that China’s and EU’s policies regarding the development of the nuclear program of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) exert on European security. The history of China-Iran relations in the nuclear sphere and the important role of China in the development of the Iranian nuclear program is mentioned in the paper. It is also noted that the fact that the EU countries are partners or allies of the United States, which is the main rival of the IRI, has complicated the dialogue between the European Union and Iran. It is shown in the paper that during Mahmud Ahmadinejad’s presidency, the Iranian nuclear program was not controlled by the international community, and because of that China supported sanctions of the UN Security Council against Iran. As it is mentioned in the article, until the end of the 2000s, the EU, as well as the People’s Republic of China (PRC), did not support the US policy toward Iran. The Iranian-Chinese relations in the nuclear field were studied. It is mentioned that despite the fact that China is interested in exporting Iranian energy resources, Beijing will never accept Iran’s possession of nuclear weapons. It is assumed that the fact that China does not support the nuclear weapons status of Iran gives it the opportunity to cooperate with the EU in case Iran decides to acquire nuclear weapons. It is noticed that China had a major impact on the negotiations related to signing the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), i. e. the nuclear agreement with Iran. The further actions of the EU and the PRC after the dissolution of the JCPOA are mentioned in the paper. The scenarios of further development of the situation around the Iranian nuclear program were reviewed. As a result of the research, it is concluded that China and the EU have played a significant role in achieving the JCPOA and conducting diplomatic negotiations with Iran. The strengthening of Beijing’s role as a key partner of Teheran and the decrease of the EU’s impact on Iran’s foreign policy were mentioned in the paper.


2009 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 211-246
Author(s):  
Catherine Donnelly

AbstractThe aim of this chapter is to assess what, if anything, administrative law can demonstrate about multi-level administration in the European Union and the United States. The particular focus of the examination is not on the content of administrative law in each legal order, but rather on the impact of EU and US federal administrative law on the Member States and US States respectively. It will be seen that, while US federal administrative law has primarily only influential effect on US States, EU administrative law is often binding on Member States. This observation challenges presumptions often made, particularly in political science, as to the degrees of inter-penetration in administration in the EU and the US. It will be argued that the cause of divergence is largely derived from differing judicial attitudes as to the fundamental tenets of the co-operation between the different levels of administration, and indeed, more general understandings of federalism in the two jurisdictions. In this way, this study also provides a useful prism through which to consider integration in the EU and US more broadly.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Petros C. Mavroidis ◽  
Kamal Saggi

Abstract ‘The US won a $7.5 Billion award from the World Trade Organization against the European Union, who has for many years treated the USA very badly on Trade due to Tariffs, Trade Barriers, and more. This case going on for years, a nice victory’, tweeted President Trump on 3 October 2019. The United States (US) won not only the highest amount of retaliation ever adjudicated in the history of the WTO but also an ongoing right to retaliate on an annual basis until such time as the EU had complied by either removing the subsidies it granted Airbus or somehow neutralizing their adverse effects on Boeing. In light of the facts of the case, this ruling has two major shortcomings. First, in sharp contrast with the statutory language and practice until now, the Arbitrator effectively introduced a permanent liability rule into the WTO system through the backdoor. Second, given the way the decision and the associated award has been written, it is simply impossible for the EU to comply because (a) the contested subsidies are no longer in existence and (b) no guidance has been provided on how the EU might go about removing their adverse effects on Boeing if it sought to achieve compliance. Thus, in all likelihood, the EU is saddled with a ruling that obligates it to cough up an annual sum of $7.5 billion USD for an indefinite time period.


2009 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 211-246
Author(s):  
Catherine Donnelly

Abstract The aim of this chapter is to assess what, if anything, administrative law can demonstrate about multi-level administration in the European Union and the United States. The particular focus of the examination is not on the content of administrative law in each legal order, but rather on the impact of EU and US federal administrative law on the Member States and US States respectively. It will be seen that, while US federal administrative law has primarily only influential effect on US States, EU administrative law is often binding on Member States. This observation challenges presumptions often made, particularly in political science, as to the degrees of inter-penetration in administration in the EU and the US. It will be argued that the cause of divergence is largely derived from differing judicial attitudes as to the fundamental tenets of the co-operation between the different levels of administration, and indeed, more general understandings of federalism in the two jurisdictions. In this way, this study also provides a useful prism through which to consider integration in the EU and US more broadly.


2013 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-364
Author(s):  
Stevan Rapaic ◽  
Dragana Dabic

From the past experience, most governments conclude that it is necessary to carry out carefully planned foreign trade policy based on a high degree of liberalization dosed with government control. This kind of foreign trade policy is being implemented both by Serbia and by the European Union, which established the Common Trade Policy (CTP) in 1957. Bearing in mind that Serbia has signed the Stabilization and Association Agreement striving to become a full member of the European Union, it is clear that, in due course, its foreign trade policy must be in line with the European one. This is not an easy task, because parallel to the process of accession to the EU, Serbia is conducting negotiations on accession to the World Trade Organization and those two processes are intertwined and connected. This paper analyses Serbia?s process of accession to the European Union and the impact of this process on its foreign trade policy as well as the future of its foreign trade relations with previous major partners.


Author(s):  
Ruven Fleming ◽  
Joshua P Fershee

The chapter provides a wide-ranging look at prospects for ‘the hydrogen economy’ regarding fuel. In the European Union, hydrogen may be a means to address the intermittency of supply in the renewables sector. The US emphasis on hydrogen to operate motor vehicles contrasts with the EU’s broader climate change driven move to explore alternatives to fossil fuel. Regarding drivers of energy innovation, it is striking that the US introduction of hydrogen is specifically aimed at the transport sector and was driven by security of supply reasons rather than climate change. Further technological innovation is evident in that hydrogen can be injected into the natural gas grid or stored in dedicated reservoirs. In this regard, the chapter analyses the legal innovations required, by considering the impact on and interaction with the storage provisions of the EU Gas Directive and the proposed storage provision in the recast Electricity Directive.


Publications ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Mauro G. Carta ◽  
Matthias C. Angermeyer ◽  
Silvano Tagliagambe

The purpose is to verify trends of scientific production from 2010 to 2020, considering the best universities of the United States, China, the European Union (EU), and private companies. The top 30 universities in 2020 in China, the EU, and the US and private companies were selected from the SCImago institutions ranking (SIR). The positions in 2020, 2015, and 2010 in SIR and three sub-indicators were analyzed by means of non-parametric statistics, taking into consideration the effect of time and group on rankings. American and European Union universities have lost positions to Chinese universities and even more to private companies, which have improved. In 2020, private companies have surpassed all other groups considering Innovation as a sub-indicator. The loss of leadership of European and partly American universities mainly concerns research linked to the production of patents. This can lead to future risks of monopoly that may elude public control and cause a possible loss of importance of research not linked to innovation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 772-784
Author(s):  
Yury V. Borovsky

In the early 2020s the worlds transition from carbon-intensive to climate-neutral energy use has already become a discernible and a difficult-to-reverse process. With Joe Bidens election as US president, the United States have returned to the Paris Climate Agreement and have become a key driver of this process (along with the EU and China). As a result, the international community has reached a consensus on the ongoing energy transition. This process will require considerable effort and may take several decades. Nevertheless, the impact of energy transition on traditional approaches to energy security, which emerged largely as a result of the global oil crises of the 1970s and 1980s and are centered around the supply of fossil fuels, is already a relevant research topic. This problem is examined relying on the relevant terminological, theoretical and factual material. The article concludes that energy transition will ultimately undermine the carbon paradigm that has underpinned energy security policies since the 1970s. Rapid development of renewable and other low-carbon energy sources will certainly remove key energy security risks of energy importers and, possibly, allow them to achieve energy independence. However, a post-carbon era may also generate new risks. For countries that rely heavily on oil, gas and coal exports, energy transition will result in the loss of markets and revenues. It may present an energy security threat for them as well as it will require a costly and technologically complex process of the energy sector decarbonization. Some exporters, especially those with high fuel rents and insufficient financial reserves, may face serious economic and social upheavals as a result of energy transition. The EU and the US energy transition policies reflect provisions of all three fundamental international relations theoretical paradigms, including realism. This means that the EU and the US policy, aimed at promoting climate agenda, may be expected to be rather tough and aggressive. China as the third key player in energy transition is still following a liberal course; however, it may change in the future.


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