scholarly journals KEBIJAKAN BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE (BRI) TIONGKOK PADA MASA PEMERINTAHAN XI JINPING. AUTHOR: Syaiful Anam, Ristiyani Ristiyani

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdul Ahmad

KEBIJAKAN BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE (BRI) TIONGKOK PADA MASA PEMERINTAHAN XI JINPINGSyaiful Anam, Ristiyani Ristiyani

2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-49
Author(s):  
Lars Wächter

Chinas Staatschef Xi Jinping will das „Reich der Mitte“ bis 2049 zur neuen Weltmacht führen. Dazu soll die alte Seidenstraße zu neuem Leben erweckt werden. Belt and Road Initiative heißt das Megaprojekt, das in den nächsten Jahren die Weltwirtschaft massiv verändern wird.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110388
Author(s):  
Yuan Jiang

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a central policy of the Chinese government. The initiative is directly associated with President Xi Jinping, who first put forward the BRI in Kazakhstan and Indonesia in 2013, initially as One Belt One Road. Different from repetitive literature that concludes the BRI as China's global strategy, this article makes a contribution to argue that the BRI is China's domestic and non-strategic policy. To justify this argument, this article analyses how the BRI has been embedded into aspects of Chinese domestic policy by revealing its nexuses with Chinese domestic economy, politics and ideology. To deepen the understanding of the BRI's connection with the Chinese economy, this article explores the link between the BRI and China's supply-side structural reform. Meanwhile, this research demystifies the BRI as a global strategy and the difference between joining and rejecting the BRI to prove the BRI's non-strategic essence. In the end, this article discusses the BRI's far-reaching geopolitical influence.


Author(s):  
Ricardo Lopes Kotz ◽  
Helton Ouriques

O presente artigo analisa o papel geoeconômico dos investimentos estrangeiros diretos da China para a execução da Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), o principal conceito de política externa do mandatário Xi Jinping. Para isto são propostos dois horizontes temporais que permitem realizar uma análise conjuntural acercada inserção internacional da China: 40 anos e 20 anos. Estes recortes temporais abrangem o processo de reformas e abertura, à partir de 1978, passando pela projeção global dos investimentos chineses com a estratégia Going Global e que resulta atualmente na Nova Rota da Seda, ou Belt and Road Initiative. Osprincipais resultados da pesquisa sugerem que embora tenha surgido como um plano para a construção de infraestrutura através da Eurásia, a BRI se tornou um amplo conceito para se compreender a posição da China no sistema internacional, sobretudo na condução de suas relações com outros países emergentes.Os recortes temporais analisados representam uma continuidade na trajetória político-estratégica da China e visam à obtenção do seu principal objetivo de Estado: a continuidade do seu desenvolvimento econômico. O aporte teórico da geoeconomia é importante, neste trabalho, para compreender a implementação e consolidação da BRI através da emissão de investimentos estrangeiros diretos. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 291-304
Author(s):  
Gökçe Özsu ◽  
Ferruh Mutlu Binark

Turkey and China are the countries that established their relations in the shadow of their ideological affiliation. Turkey constructed its multi-partied democratic regime as an implementation of Western-based democracy. However, this has not granted EU full-membership to the country, and Turkey has initiated alternative allies since mid 2000s. This shift of axis has turned into more enthusiasm after the failed coup d’état of 15 July 2016. The purpose of this study is to reveal how Turkish mainstream newspapers represent the Chinese alternative globalization project, “The Belt and Road Initiative” which was introduced in 2013 by General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping. In order to frame the background information, we will first introduce the aims of the Belt and Road Initiative, and then summarize Turkey’s relation to China from two aspects: political and economic concerns. Following the overview of Turko-Sino relationship, we will focus on the Justice and Development Party’s foreign policy to grasp its pragmatic concern in relation to the Belt and Road Initiative. Based on the contextualization of Turko-Sino relations, we will conduct thematic content analysis of the news on the Belt and Road Initiative from May to July 2017 in mainstream Turkish newspapers. Our analysis brings into question how Turkish press relocates the Belt and Road Initiative with respect to Turkey’s political and economic concerns about China’s alternative globalism, Turkish foreign policy seeking for new allies as alternatives for the Western counterparts, and thus we will examine President Erdoğan’s influence on Turkish foreign policy. Based on our findings, we will discuss the reasons for insufficient coverage of the Belt and Road Initiative in Turkish mainstream newspapers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Muhammad Akbar

Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or One Belt One Road (OBOR) first introduced by Xi Jinping on September 2013 in Kazakhstan, when he stated “Silk Road Economic Belt”, specifically. One month later, he stated the term “Maritime Silk Road” in Indonesia. OBOR is both a concept and a work plan that designed by China to connect towards Eurasia, Africa, and Oceania. The connections are both distance and political influence. China’s bargaining position on Australia is considered strong enough, and vice versa. Australia is important for China for its iron ore that exported to China. China will not put their position at a stake considering its 60% dependency of iron ore from Australia, based on the research by Professor Rory Medcalf from Australia National University (Medcalf 2017, 110). The complexity of the struggle for power in this region is increasing since Australia has been the ally of The United States of America (USA) to whom China is declaring Trade War. China’s expenditure and development of the Navy growing increasingly reflects the higher attention on maritime security. Political condition in Asia Pacific will be effected by this condition with the growing influence of the superpower of the South China Sea, the People’s Republic of China. This paper will explore about sea power in Asia Pacific and its relations with the growing and more advanced China-Australia relations.   Keywords: OBOR (One Belt One Road), Maritime Security, Sea Power, Asia Pacific.     Abstrak     Istilah Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) atau dikenal juga dengan jargon One Belt One Road (OBOR) pertama kali digaungkan oleh Xi Jinping pada bulan September 2013 di Kazakhstan, ia mengucapkan “Silk Road Economic Belt”, secara spesifik. Sebulan kemudian, Ia menyinggung konsep “Maritime Silk Road” dalam kunjungannya ke Indonesia (Davies, 2016, 218). OBOR adalah sebuah konsep, sekaligus juga workplan yang dirancang sedemikian rupa oleh China untuk mendekatkannya dengan Eurasia, Afrika, dan Oceania. Dekat dalam artian keterhubungan melalui kemudahan transportasi, dan dekat secara pengaruh (political influence). Tulisan ini akan mengambil studi kasus kerja sama perdagangan yang dilakukan antara China dan Australia. Posisi tawar China terhadap Australia cukup kuat, dan begitu pula sebaliknya. Australia diunggulkan dengan komoditi biji besi yang diekspor ke China, sehingga membuat China memiliki ketergantungan terhadap Australia. Professor Rory Medcalf dari Australia National University (ANU) mengatakan bahwa China tidak akan mempertaruhkan hubungan perdagangannya dengan Australia, mengingat dependensi China terhadap impor biji besi dari Australia sebesar 60% (Medcalf 2017, 110). Australia adalah sekutu Amerika Serikat (AS) yang kini sedang dalam kondisi perang dagang dengan China, membuat hubungan diantara negara-negara ini menjadi kompleks. Anggaran belanja pertahanan dan percepatan pertumbuhan Armada Laut China cenderung meningkat, sehingga dapat disimpulkan adanya keseriusan dalam hal peningkatan keamanan maritim (maritime security). Kondisi politik regional di kawasan Asia Pasifik akan terdampak atas kedigdayaan maritim China di kawasan. Tulisan ini akan membahas mengenai Sea Power di kawasan Asia Pasifik dan kaitannya dengan hubungan dagang China-Australia yang semakin intens. Kata kunci: OBOR (One Belt One Road), Keamanan Maritim, Sea Power, Asia Pacific


2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (11) ◽  
pp. 901-905
Author(s):  
Britta Kuhn

ZusammenfassungSchon vor der Corona-Pandemie belasteten finanzielle und geopolitische Probleme die „Neue Seidenstraße“: Chinas Gesamtinvestitionen gehen seit Jahren zurück, wichtige Bauprojekte sind unrentabel, die Partner in Ost- und Südosteuropa wenden sich ab, und umweltschädliche Vorhaben stoßen zunehmend auf Widerstand. Seit 2020 bieten wohlhabende Demokratien verstärkt Alternativen, und auch die Volksrepublik stundet Schulden. Xi Jinping forciert daher neben dem „BRI Green Partnership“ vor allem die „Digital Silk Road“ und „China Standards 2035“, also globale Technologie- und Normierungsprojekte.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-332
Author(s):  
Ade Priangani ◽  
Kunkunrat Kunkunrat ◽  
Rangga MS Saputra

Sejak reformasi China yang dilakukan oleh Deng Xiaoping pada tahun 1978 dan dilanjutkan oleh Xi Jinping yang lebih aktif pada tahun 2013, dengan membentuk jalur ekonomi sutra baru Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) dengan tujuan menciptakan kerjasama dan interdependensi serta harmoni pada tatanan kawasan Asia-Pasifik dan Global. Landasan BRI ini adalah salah satu bentuk romantisasi sejarah pada masa dinasti Han dengan jalur ekonomi sutra lama. Akan Tetapi kepentingan BRI terhadap negara-negara partner menjadi ancaman tersendiri dengan adanya �Debt trap� atau jebakan Utang yang dilakukan oleh China alih-alih bantuan infrastuktur. Sehigga BRI adalah salah satu model �Tributary system� gaya baru ala Dinasti Ming-Qing yang dimana jebakan utang adalah salah satu pengabdian diri pada China sebagai negara inti. Hasil analisis menjelaskan bahwa pengaruh terhadap Timor Leste menjadi ancaman dengan meningkatnya utang sebesar 13 persen pada tahun 2016, namun dibantah oleh Timor Leste dan China sendiri yang dimana jebakan utang adalah konstruksi subjektivitas dari kekhawatiran AS dan sekutu terhadap dominasi China.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Javiera Francisca Flores Urbina

In 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the development of a massive project of global connectivity infrastructure, known nowadays as the Belt and Road Initiative (一带一路). Although it was originally presented as a trade project focused on Europe and Asia, through the years the Belt and Road Initiative has been unravelled as a much more complex project. Lately, it has been extended to more territories, one of them being Latin America and the Caribbean region. Chile has already signed cooperation agreements regarding the Initiative, and cooperation in trade and connectivity between Chile and China is already taking place. This article will discuss the changes and continuities that the cooperation between Chile and China, under the scope of the Initiative, provides for the sustainable development challenges Chile faces. The article concludes that the cooperation dimensions between both countries represent elements of both changes and continuities for the model of development of Chile.


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