scholarly journals Between national interests and European values: towards the theory of Principled Intergovernmentalism

Author(s):  
Krzysztof Śliwiński

The aim of the article is to theorise on the role of principles as important variables influencing European politics. Recent European-related events, including but not limited to the immigration crisis, international economic and political competition on a global scale (as well as relations with third parties such as Russia and the United States), prompt us to revise liberal intergovernmentalism as proposed by Andrew Moravcsik at the beginning of 90s last century. The study is based on the analysis of four cases: immigration crisis, posted workers directive, multiannual financial framework post-2020, and relations with Russia concerned energy security. The article puts forward an idea that principles, which European institutions and national governments refer to (such as the principle of solidarity or the principle of the rule of law) have been successfully instrumentalised by a range of actors (major governments, as well as European Commission acting on their behalf) to the greatest benefit of the most powerful governments in Europe

Author(s):  
Amy Verdun

European integration theories help us understand the actors and mechanisms that drive European integration. Traditionally, European integration scholars used grand theories of integration to explain why integration progresses or stands still. Born out of assumptions that are prevalent in realist international relations theories, intergovernmentalism was first developed as a theory in opposition to neofunctionalism. In a nutshell, intergovernmentalism argues that states (i.e., national governments or state leaders), based on national interests, determine the outcome of integration. Intergovernmentalism was seen as a plausible explanatory perspective during the 1970s and 1980s, when the integration process seemed to have stalled. Despite the fact that it could not explain many of the gradual incremental changes or informal politics, intergovernmentalism—as did various other approaches—gained renewed popularity in the 1990s, following the launch of liberal intergovernmentalism. During that decade, the study of European integration was burgeoning, triggered in part by the aim to complete the single market and the signing of the Maastricht Treaty that launched the European Union (EU). Intergovernmentalism also often received considerable pushback from researchers who were unconvinced by its core predictions. Attempts to relaunch intergovernmentalism were made in the 2010s, in response to the observation that EU member states played a prominent role in dealing with the various crises that the EU was confronted with at that time, such as the financial crisis and the migration crisis. Although intergovernmentalism is unable —and is not suited—to explain all aspects of European integration, scholars revert to intergovernmentalism as a theoretical approach in particular when examining the role of member states in European politics. Outside the EU, in the international arena (such as the United Nations), intergovernmentalism is also observed when studying various forums in which member states come together to bargain over particular collective outcomes in an intergovernmental setting.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (16) ◽  
pp. 4497 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oran R. Young

Conditions in the Arctic today differ from those prevailing during the 1990s in ways that have far-reaching implications for the architecture of Arctic governance. What was once a peripheral region regarded as a zone of peace has turned into ground zero for climate change on a global scale and a scene of geopolitical maneuvering in which Russia is flexing its muscles as a resurgent great power, China is launching economic initiatives, and the United States is reacting defensively as an embattled but still potent hegemon. This article explores the consequences of these developments for Arctic governance and specifically for the role of the Arctic Council. The article canvasses options for adjusting the council’s membership and its substantive remit. It pays particular attention to opportunities for the council to play a role in managing the increasingly complex Arctic regime complex.


Water ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (11) ◽  
pp. 3286
Author(s):  
Megan Konar ◽  
Landon Marston

This paper commemorates the influence of Arjen Y. Hoekstra on water footprint research of the United States. It is part of the Special Issue “In Memory of Prof. Arjen Y. Hoekstra”. Arjen Y. Hoekstra both inspired and enabled a community of scholars to work on understanding the water footprint of the United States. He did this by comprehensively establishing the terminology and methodology that serves as the foundation for water footprint research. His work on the water footprint of humanity at the global scale highlighted the key role of a few nations in the global water footprint of production, consumption, and virtual water trade. This research inspired water scholars to focus on the United States by highlighting its key role amongst world nations. Importantly, he enabled the research of many others by making water footprint estimates freely available. We review the state of the literature on water footprints of the United States, including its water footprint of production, consumption, and virtual water flows. Additionally, we highlight metrics that have been developed to assess the vulnerability, resiliency, sustainability, and equity of sub-national water footprints and domestic virtual water flows. We highlight opportunities for future research.


Author(s):  
Dr. Imran Khan ◽  
Dr. Karim Haider Syed

A systematic investigation of the steps that Russia has taken after 9/11 to improve strategic relations with Pakistan gives an idea of ​​why it is moving so carefully towards Pakistan. Now it has become important to see what kind of steps Russia has taken to further enhance strategic relations with Pakistan. In June, 2014 the Russian leadership began negotiations to provide Pakistan with state-of-the-art war helicopters to combat drug traffickers (Ullah, 2014, p.1). This development has taken as a surprise in the international community and certainly is not one that can be easily overlooked. The United States and Europe are looking disturbed and some experts have made suppositions that Russia is maneuvering the withdrawal of NATO forces by increasing instability in Afghanistan to increase its role in the aftermath of the withdrawal of NATO forces. In the new situation, Pakistan will have to be strengthened at the front of foreign policy so that it can better cope with the state of affairs that can emerge after the withdrawal of NATO forces. Some experts believe that Russia no longer wanted to make things one-sided and want to increase the role of other stakeholders of the region in the solution of Afghanistan. In the past Russia has paid extraordinary attention to India and ignored Pakistan. These experts believe that Russia now wanted to create a balance of power in the region through cooperation with Pakistan and is trying not to give too much to any one country in the world. Talks between Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan and Russian President Putin during the SCO summit in June 2019 were highlighted in the national media of Pakistan and Russia as well as in the international media (Pakistan eyes new horizons with Russia, 2019).  The history and nature of Pakistan-Russia relations have been very unique and interesting. Pakistan and Russia relations teach the lesson that elements like sentimentality, friendship, and enmity have no place in international relations. In the modern state system, these are the national interests, based on which the two states can come closer to each other and work together to achieve their goals by putting their difference of past behind the scene.


Author(s):  
Sheila L. Rosenthal

Since World War II, the library profession has grown worldwide both extensively and at an impressively rapid rate, resulting in an increase in international librarians and international library associations. Several possible reasons for this growth are emphasized in Baldwin (1997, 392-393): “Our shrinking world has caused increasing awareness of other parts of the world with accompanying demands for access to information from those areas; growth of information and publishing throughout the world; awareness through increased automation of resources in other parts of the world; growth of international business interests in the second half of the twentieth century after the war; more sophisticated users who demand specialized services and increased knowledge of the access to information resources by their librarians.” This chapter focuses on one particular international library association, the Special Libraries Association (SLA), and its role as the outstanding voice for the world’s information professionals. It shows that this association has consistently developed numerous initiatives and programs promoting library professionals worldwide with an emphasis on librarians outside of the United States. Although some SLA programs may no longer be active in the capacity they had when first introduced, their influence has had an impact on many SLA chapters and divisions, inspiring them to continue the practices by adopting similar programs.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (11) ◽  
pp. 163-173
Author(s):  
Yu. V. MOROZOV ◽  
◽  
A. R. NEUSTRROEVA ◽  

In modern conditions, Central Asia has begun to play an increasing role for non-regional actors, who are increasingly competing for a key role in this region. The first section of the article is devoted to the analysis of the significance of Central Asia and its problems. The second section analyzes American policy and strategy in the region. The third section examines China's interests and policies in Central Asia. The fourth section is devoted to the significance of the region for Russia's national interests. Conclusions concerning the role of Central Asia for the United States, China, and Russia are presented.


Author(s):  
Andrew Moravcsik

Liberal Intergovernmentalism (LI) is the contemporary “baseline” social scientific and historiographic theory of regional integration—especially as regards the European Union. It rests on three basic assumptions, which in turn support a three-stage theoretical model of integration and the elaboration of numerous distinctive causal mechanisms. Considerable historical and social scientific evidence supports the LI view, but room also remains for scholars to extend and elaborate its framework in promising ways. Three prominent criticisms of LI exist. Some scholars of “administrative politics” charge that it applies only to treaty-amending decisions and other rare circumstances. “Historical institutionalists” charge that it overlooks endogenous feedback from previous decisions. “Post-functionalists” and “constructivists” revive discredited claims from the 1960s that functional theories neglect the central role of identity claims and ideology in explaining national interests. While each criticism contains some truth, LI possesses rich theoretical resources with which to address them fruitfully and musters compelling evidence to support its empirical claims. This confirms LI’s preeminent role in scholarly debates and suggests a soberly optimistic future for European and regional integration.


2011 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Véronique Pouillard

During the Great Depression, counterfeiters of the newest styles posed a challenge to the high-fashion designers who dominated Parisian design. Meanwhile, New York, traditionally the destination of the first corporate buyers of Paris couture, became a potential contender for the role of fashion capital. Scrutiny of French and American laws reveals that strong national interests were at stake in the fashion business. In France, the law safeguarded copyrights of fashion design while, in the United States, legislators denied such protection to American fashion.


Author(s):  
Leonid L. Fituni

The article exposes the regional context of geostrategic rivalry between the United States and China in Northeast Africa (NEA) against the backdrop of the emerging formation of a new bipolar world order and the messianic ambitions of the superpowers. The author predicts a significant increase in NEA’s geo-economic and strategic importance, due to the dominant vectors of global development and aspects of national interests of each of their superpowers. The article offers a detailed analysis of the evolution of NEA’s confessional space through the last 50 years and of the role of religious factors in the superpower rivalry in the region. The author arrives to the conclusion that the ruling, business and religious elites of the region have taken a wait-and-see attitude in the battle unfolding between the superpowers and do not want to unambiguously associate themselves with either side.


Author(s):  
Michelle Vicky Gunawan

<p>Maritime security is an issue that is considered important by the United States. The role of the United States in the maritime sector is driven by its national interest. This encourages the United States to work with countries that have strategic geopolitical conditions such as Indonesia. This thesis aims to discuss the interests of the United States in Indonesia's maritime security sector, the role of the United States in the Indonesian maritime security sector, and Indonesia's considerations in establishing cooperation with the United States. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a comparison of the role of the United States in the Indonesian maritime sector in the period of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono II and Joko Widodo I. Following the theory of neoclassical-realism and neo-realism International Relations is the product of states’ national interest and this includes Indonesian interest in cooperation. This research uses a qualitative approach and descriptive and comparative methods with data collection techniques through literature study and online search. The thesis finds an increase in the role of the United States in strengthening Indonesia's maritime security in 2009-2019 after the presence of the Global Maritime Fulcrum policy. This increase is accommodated by and is based on the pursuit of the national interests of each party.</p><p><strong>BAHASA INDONESIA ABSTRAK: </strong>Keamanan maritim merupakan salah satu isu yang dianggap penting oleh Amerika Serikat. Peranan Amerika Serikat dalam sektor maritim merupakan salah satu upaya pemenuhan kepentingan nasional negara. Hal tersebut mendorong Amerika Serikat menjalin kerja sama dengan negara yang memiliki kondisi geopolitik strategis seperti Indonesia. Penelitian ini membahas mengenai kepentingan Amerika Serikat dalam sektor keamanan maritim Indonesia, peran Amerika Serikat dalam sektor keamanan maritim Indonesia dan pertimbangan Indonesia untuk menjalin kerja sama dengan Amerika Serikat. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah memberikan perbandingan peran Amerika Serikat dalam sektor kemaritiman Indonesia di periode Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono II dan Joko Widodo I. Teori neoclassical-realism dan neo-realism menjelaskan bahwa Hubungan Internasional dapat terjadi karena dorongan kepentingan nasional. Sesuai dengan kenyataan, Indonesia juga memiliki kepentingan dalam kerja sama tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif serta metode deskriptif dan komparatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui studi pustaka dan penelusuran daring. Terdapat tiga hasil analisis dalam penelitian ini yang merupakan jawaban dari rumusan masalah yang dibuat oleh penulis. Dari hasil penelitian, dapat disimpulkan adanya peningkatan peran Amerika Serikat dalam memperkuat keamanan maritim Indonesia tahun 2009-2019 setelah adanya kebijakan Global Maritime Fulcrum. Peningkatan ini diwadahi oleh dan dilandasi tujuan untuk memperjuangkan kepentingan nasional masing-masing pihak terkait.</p>


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