scholarly journals Variation in the Speech of Two Palestinian Immigrant Groups

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-220
Author(s):  
Mahmoud El Salman
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Subsequent Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Palestinian Refugees ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Local Variant ◽  
Linguistic Behavior

Objectives. This sociolinguistic study aims to take a close look at the differences and similarities in the linguistic behavior of two Palestinian groups and analyze these in light of social and political factors. Methods. The study adopts the Labovian Paradigm, and face-to-face techniques are used to collect data. Results. The first group immigrated to Jordan from Palestine as a result of being forced from their homes in 1948. They came seeking refuge in Jordan, and, because they came from Palestine, they were treated as such. When the Arab-Israeli war began nearly two decades later, a new wave of Palestinians migrated to Jordan in 1967. Yet, at this time, their Palestinian village belonged to Jordan, politically, because Jordan had annexed the West Bank in 1950. Thus, the political status of both sets of Palestinians at the beginning of their exodus played a major role in the subsequent development of their linguistic behavior in Jordan. It influenced the kind of variation that occurred in their speech. The first people to arrive were treated as Palestinian refugees, which minimized them from a social perspective. Thus, the study shows that the middle-aged and younger generations of this ethnic group abandoned their dialect, and 98.0% of them adopted the local variant. The individuals of the second set of migrants were treated as Jordanian citizens as they had simply migrated from one part of the country, namely, the West Bank, to another part of it, namely, the East Bank (Jordan). The study found a strong correlation between an individual’s identity and the political status granted by a country. Though the members of both groups are Palestinians, the study shows that all individuals behaved linguistically differently depending how they were perceived socially and politically in Jordan. Conclusion. Palestinians emigrated in two large waves from their homeland to Jordan as the result of war. The first took place in 1948, and the second took place in 1967. The study shows that the linguistic behavior of both groups differs. The social and the political situations that each group found itself in determined, to a great extent, the linguistic behavior they adopted.

Is the right of return still desirable and sacred among Palestinian refugees?

2020 ◽  
pp. 136914812093378
Author(s):  
Sobhi Albadawi
Keyword(s):  
Quantitative Research ◽  
West Bank ◽  
The Political ◽  
Refugee Camps ◽  
The West ◽  
Palestinian Refugees ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Right Of Return ◽  
The Right

The right of return has been a fundamental claim by Palestinian people since 1948. The ‘right’ refers to the political position or principle that all generations of Palestinian refugees have the right to return to the property they or their forebears left behind during the 1948 Palestinian exodus, and following the 1967 Six-Day War. This study examines and updates Palestinian refugees’ views of the right of return claim, adopting a quantitative research design surveying 1200 participants from five refugee camps located in Hebron and Bethlehem in the West Bank. The study finds that even after 72 years of displacement, the right of return remains an active but changing political construct among surveyed Palestinians living in the West Bank. As such, future negotiations must consider the generational narratives and ensure that the right of return claim, resettlement, and compensation particularly are not treated as mutually exclusive in the delivery of a just solution to the displacement of Palestinian refugees.

scholarly journals (Un)Settling the West Bank of Israel/Palestine: the anthropology of citizenship in "no man's land"

2009 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yarden B. Enav-Weintraub
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethnographic Research ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Status ◽  
No Man's Land ◽  
People Today

This paper answers Yael Navaro-Yashin's (2003) call for ethnographic research of "no man's land(s)", and to the ethnographic challenge she poses in her call for anthropologists to "sense the political" in such territories. The paper is based on my fieldwork in an Israeli college in the "West Bank" of Israel/Palestine and deals with the ambiguous political status of this geo-political territory. The paper analyses the "West Bank" of Israel/Palestine as a (political) "no man's land" and attempts to "sense the political" there, with special emphasis on the changing status of Israeli citizenship in the "West Bank". In the end, the paper also suggests that anthropologists should pay more attention to the possibility that citizenship in a "normal" (nation-)state becomes the new locus where people today negotiate ideas about the political.

scholarly journals Palestinian State through the Official and Unofficial Israeli Perspective

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Rami Saleh Abdelrazeq Musleh ◽  
Mahmoud Ismail ◽  
Dala Mahmoud
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
National Security ◽  
West Bank ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Concern ◽  
The West ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Factions ◽  
Descriptive Approach

The study focused on the Palestinian state as depicted in the Israeli political discourse. It showed that the Israeli strategy is based on denying the establishment of a Palestinian state alongside the Israeli one. Israel's main concern is to protect its national security at all costs. The study showed the Israeli political factions' opposition to the formation of an independent Palestinian state in addition to their refusal to give up certain parts of the West Bank due to religious and geopolitical reasons. To discuss this topic and achieve the required results, the analytical descriptive approach is adopted by the researcher. The study concluded that the Israeli leadership and its projects to solve the Palestinian issue do not amount to the establishment of a Palestinian state. This leadership simply aims to impress the international public opinion that Israel wants peace. In contrast, the Israeli public has shown that it cannot accept a Palestinian state, and the public opinion of the Palestinian state is not different from that of the political parties and leaders in Israel.

Jerold S. Auerbach, Print to Fit: The New York Times, Zionism and Israel 1896–2016. Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2019. xii + 309 pp.

2021 ◽  
pp. 290-292
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Jewish Life ◽  
West Bank ◽  
New York Times ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
The New York Times ◽  
American Jewish Life ◽  
American Jewish ◽  
The Times

This chapter examines Jerold S. Auerbach's Print to Fit (2019). In this book, Auerbach charges that the New York Times consistently slanted its treatment of Israel in ways that discredited its struggle for survival and instead sympathized with the enemies of Zionism. Having assiduously combed through close to a century of articles, editorials, and op-ed pieces, Auerbach has discovered, especially in recent decades, a “preoccupation with Palestinian victimization — even when Israelis were the victims.” Print to Fit is especially harsh in its treatment of two of the Times' stars, the late Anthony Lewis and Thomas L. Friedman for having so often conveyed their own disenchantment with what they held to be the moral and political failings of Israel — in particular, the extension of Jewish settlements into the West Bank. Written from the political periphery of American Jewish life, Print to Fit risks overstating its case by simplifying it.

Jurisdiction and Justiciability

2021 ◽  
pp. 29-40
Author(s):  
David Kretzmer ◽  
Yaël Ronen
Keyword(s):  
Subject Matter ◽  
West Bank ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
The Right ◽  
Sovereign Territory

This chapter describes the basis for the Court’s jurisdiction over petitions by residents of territory that is not the sovereign territory of Israel, but is ruled under a regime of belligerent occupation. The chapter examines the readiness of the Court to entertain such petitions, given that their subject matter falls within areas that are arguably non-justiciable. The chapter stresses the tension in the Court’s decisions created by its position that the legality of Israel’s most controversial policy in the West Bank—the settlement project—is not justiciable, and its ruling that the political nature of a government act cannot block the right of individuals to challenge the legality of acts that violate their rights.

The Political Embeddedness of Entrepreneurship in Extreme Contexts: The Case of the West Bank

2017 ◽  
Vol 157 (1) ◽  
pp. 279-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farzad H. Alvi ◽  
Ajnesh Prasad ◽  
Paulina Segarra
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
Extreme Contexts
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