scholarly journals On the features of the peripheral diplomacy of the PRC and relations with ASEAN countries

2020 ◽  
pp. 29-44
Author(s):  
А.А. Zabella ◽  
◽  
E.Yu. Katkova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
Asean Countries ◽  
The One ◽  
Southeast Asian Countries

The article defines the basic postulates of China's peripheral diplomacy and its features. The authors analyze the basics of China's foreign policy, as well as its policy towards the ASEAN. The authors focus on the "One belt, one road" initiative and the Indo-Pacific strategy, as well as the struggle between China and the United States for the loyalty of Southeast Asian countries.

scholarly journals Indonesia in ASEAN

1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 89-91
Author(s):  
Osman Suliman
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Main Theme ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Asean Countries ◽  
Southeast Asian Countries ◽  
Do So

This book analyzes Indonesia's political and economic commitment toASEAN. ASEAN compri es six Southeast Asian countries: Brunei, Indonesia,Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. To clarify that commitment,Anwar makes a deliberate attempt to investigate ASEAN's underlying assumptions.Specifically, the organization is intended to promote harmony and peacein the region, given that ASEAN countries are relatively more politically stableand economically developed compared to the nearby [ndochinese states. Inadrution, ASEAN has been perceived as attempting to manage regional orderagrunst nonregional powers such as Chma while strengthening Western ties. Theauthor examines these assumptions on the premise that ASEAN is mainly a distinctivevehicle of Indonesian foreign policy. To do so, he follows Wein tein'sapproach, which I based on the uses of foreign policy, that is, his analysis does not adopt a common theory. Thus, he unintentionally goes back and forth to verify what seems to be the main theme of the book: how Indonesia sought regionalleadership through ASEAN to achieve its main goals of foreign policy ...

Southeast Asia and the United States

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenton Clymer
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Southeast Asian Countries

The U.S. relationship with Southeast Asia has always reflected the state of U.S. interactions with the three major powers that surround the region: Japan, China, and, to a lesser extent, India. Initially, Americans looked at Southeast Asia as an avenue to the rich markets that China and India seemed to offer, while also finding trading opportunities in the region itself. Later, American missionaries sought to save Southeast Asian souls, while U.S. officials often viewed Southeast Asia as a region that could tip the overall balance of power in East Asia if its enormous resources fell under the control of a hostile power. American interest expanded enormously with the annexation of the Philippines in 1899, an outgrowth of the Spanish-American War. That acquisition resulted in a nearly half-century of American colonial rule, while American investors increased their involvement in exploiting the region’s raw materials, notably tin, rubber, and petroleum, and missionaries expanded into areas previously closed to them. American occupation of the Philippines heightened tensions with Japan, which sought the resources of Southeast Asia, particularly in French Indochina, Malaya, and the Dutch East Indies (today’s Indonesia). Eventually, clashing ambitions and perceptions brought the United States into World War II. Peeling those territories away from Japan during the war was a key American objective. Americans resisted the Japanese in the Philippines and in Burma, but after Japan quickly subdued Southeast Asia, there was little contact in the region until the reconquest began in 1944. American forces participated in the liberation of Burma and also fought in the Dutch Indies and the Philippines before the war ended in 1945. After the war, the United States had to face the independence struggles in several Southeast Asian countries, even as the Grand Alliance fell apart and the Cold War emerged, which for the next several decades overshadowed almost everything. American efforts to prevent communist expansion in the region inhibited American support for decolonization and led to war in Vietnam and Laos and covert interventions elsewhere. With the end of the Cold War in 1991, relations with most of Southeast Asia have generally been normal, except for Burma/Myanmar, where a brutal military junta ruled. The opposition, led by the charismatic Aung San Suu Kyi, found support in the United States. More recently American concerns with China’s new assertiveness, particularly in the South China Sea, have resulted in even closer U.S. relations with Southeast Asian countries.

Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Wen-Qing Ngoei
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Perceived Threat ◽  
Wide Angle ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
Colonial Order ◽  
Southeast Asian Countries

This introduction presents an overview of the book’s study of imperial transition in Southeast Asia from the colonial order through Anglo-American predominance to U.S. empire. It explains that the book examines two Southeast Asian countries—Malaya and Singapore—marginalized by major studies of U.S. policy to illuminate regional developments in U.S.-Southeast Asian relations otherwise overlooked by the predominant focus of historians on U.S. involvement in Vietnam. Using this wide-angle view of Southeast Asia, the book reveals how the bases of U.S. Cold War policy draw from longstanding Euro-American anxieties about race, specifically the perceived threat of China and its diaspora to western power. From this insight, the book is able to reveal that Britain, the United States and their indigenous anticommunist allies crafted a pro-West nationalism underpinned by region-wide anti-Chinese prejudice, a process that ensconced most Southeast Asian regimes within the American orbit even as U.S. policy failed in Vietnam.

Navigating between the Giants

2020 ◽  
pp. 179-238
Author(s):  
David Shambaugh
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Regional Powers ◽  
Southeast Asian Countries

This chapter explores how the ten Southeast Asian countries each try their best to navigate between the two big powers of China and the United States. Not a single country in the region is entirely under either Chinese or American influence. Most Southeast Asian states “hedge” between the two big powers; they seek to maintain their independence and freedom of choices and action; most seek benefits from each while avoiding dependency; and all have to simultaneously navigate bilaterally with each power, trilaterally with both powers, and multilaterally with other significant regional powers and within the framework of “ASEAN centrality.” Among the ten states, the chapter reveals one notable overarching characteristic: pervasive ambivalence. That is, all ten countries exhibit ambivalence about both powers—not fully trusting either.

With Friends Like These: Australia, the United States, and Southeast Asian Détente

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-57
Author(s):  
Andrea Benvenuti ◽  
David Martin Jones
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
The West ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
East And Southeast Asia ◽  
Southeast Asian Countries

A generation of scholars has depicted the premiership of Labor Party leader Gough Whitlam as a watershed in Australian foreign policy. According to the prevailing consensus, Whitlam carved out a more independent and progressive role in international affairs without significantly endangering relations with Western-aligned states in East and Southeast Asia or with Australia's traditionally closest allies, the United States and the United Kingdom. This article takes issue with these views and offers a more skeptical assessment of Whitlam's diplomacy and questions his handling of Australia's alliance with the United States. In doing so, it shows that Whitlam, in his eagerness to embrace détente, reject containment, and project an image of an allegedly more progressive and independent Australia, in fact exacerbated tensions with Richard Nixon's Republican administration and caused disquiet among Southeast Asian countries that were aligned with or at least friendly toward the West.

scholarly journals The Mask Diplomacy of China in Southeast Asia

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1(50)) ◽  
pp. 73-81
Author(s):  
Natalia G. Rogozhina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Territorial Conflict ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
The Belt And Road ◽  
Southeast Asian Countries

The article notes that China's mask diplomacy in Southeast Asia is an integral part of its foreign policy aimed at strengthening its positions in the region by increasing the level of confidence. By providing assistance to Southeast Asian countries in the fight against COVID-19, China hopes to improve its image of a “benevolent” neighbor in the region. At the same time, the priority was given to those countries of Southeast Asia with which the closest relations have developed and which are participating in the Belt and Road Initiative. In the development of the achieved success in mask diplomacy, China is moving to the implementation of the so-called vaccine diplomacy in Southeast Asia. However, despite the currently pronounced humanitarian orientation of China's foreign policy in Southeast Asia, the continuing territorial conflict in the South China Sea plays against its positive image in the region as “generous sponsor”. Time will tell whether mask diplomacy will help China gain an edge in the competition for influence in the region. But one thing is clear – China is acting decisively and does not miss a single chance to provide support for the countries of Southeast Asia in the competition with the United States.

Protectionist Empire: Trade, Tariffs, and United States Foreign Policy, 1890–1914

2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin O. Fordham
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
International Economic Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Foreign Policy ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Political Cooperation ◽  
Trading Partners ◽  
The One

Between 1890 and 1914, the United States acquired overseas colonies, built a battleship fleet, and intervened increasingly often in Latin America and East Asia. This activism is often seen as the precursor to the country's role as a superpower after 1945 but actually served very different goals. In contrast to its pursuit of a relatively liberal international economic order after 1945, the United States remained committed to trade protection before 1914. Protectionism had several important consequences for American foreign policy on both economic and security issues. It led to a focus on less developed areas of the world that would not export manufactured goods to the United States instead of on wealthier European markets. It limited the tactics available for promoting American exports, forcing policymakers to seek exclusive bilateral agreements or unilateral concessions from trading partners instead of multilateral arrangements. It inhibited political cooperation with other major powers and implied an aggressive posture toward these states. The differences between this foreign policy and the one the United States adopted after 1945 underscore the critical importance not just of the search for overseas markets but also of efforts to protect the domestic market.

scholarly journals KAZAKHSTAN-CHINESE RELATIONS AND CHALLENGE OF FOREIGN FORCES

2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kanat Kakar ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Rich Country ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Road Project ◽  
The One ◽  
External Forces ◽  
The Impact

In 2013, China's Silk Road Initiative, the One Belt One Road project, was first mentioned in Kazakhstan and has been widely discussed by major countries and international organizations. Kazakhstan's participation in this project, a resource-rich country in Central Asia, has attracted world attention, and the impact of external forces on Central Asia will have its own impact on the implementation of this project. The interests of countries such as Russia and the United States in Central Asia and the views of international organizations are important factors in the implementation of this project. This article examines the relations between China and Kazakhstan in the framework of the "One Belt - One Road" initiative and the competition of external forces influencing it, their views on the project, their interests, the project and competing projects, and highlights important international organizations and agreements. and the toothed conclusion is pronounced.

scholarly journals Multifactor APT Approach towards Predicted Patterns of Long-term ASEAN Financial Market Integration

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andysah Putera Utama Siahaan ◽  
Rusiadi
Keyword(s):  
Data Analysis ◽  
Financial Market ◽  
Market Integration ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Financial Market Integration ◽  
Asean Country ◽  
Asean Countries ◽  
Southeast Asian Countries

The purpose of this study is to obtain a predictive pattern of the integration of ASEAN financial markets with the Multifactor Arbitrage Pricing Theory (APT) approach. The specific target in this study is Analyzing the effectiveness of the Multifactor APT Model in forming a predictive pattern of financial market integration in Southeast Asian countries, both in the short, medium and long-term. Establish the fastest and most appropriate ASEAN country in predicting financial market integration in Southeast Asian countries, both in the short, medium and long-term. The hypothesis in this study is that the Multifactor APT model is useful in forming a predictive pattern of financial market integration in Southeast Asian countries. Indonesia is the fastest and appropriate ASEAN country to use in predicting the occurrence of financial market integration in Southeast Asian countries. The data analysis model used is Vector Autoregression (VAR), Impulse Response Function (IRF), Forecast Error Variance Decomposition (FEVD). The assumption test used is Stationarity Test, Cointegration Test, Lag Stability Test, VAR Structure and Determination of Optimal Lag Levels. The results of data analysis with VAR are expected to be able to form a pattern of predictions of effective financial market integration in ASEAN countries. Varian Decomposition results can determine which ASEAN countries are the fastest and most appropriate in predicting the occurrence of financial market integration in Southeast Asian countries, both in the short, medium and long-term.

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