scholarly journals Applying Care to Political Public Relations: Crisis Communications Following the Terrorist Attack in New Zealand

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Pamala Pamandus Proverbs ◽  
Xiaomeng Lan ◽  
Osama Albishri ◽  
Spiro Kiousis

Care is not a word generally associated with political crises. However, following the mosques massacre in New Zealand, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern was found to have used care and a feminist approach to political communication that served to unite rather than divide her country following this racially motivated terrorist attack. There is much literature on corporate crises, but this paper adds to the dearth of literature on political crises in a public interest context. Grounded in a consideration of care and agenda building theories, it reveals that a caring approach to political communication (both verbal and nonverbal) following an act of terrorism can influence the media agenda and by extension public opinion.

2019 ◽  
pp. 174804851985376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Myslik ◽  
Liudmila Khalitova ◽  
Tianduo Zhang ◽  
Sophia Tarasevich ◽  
Spiro Kiousis ◽  
...  

This study aims to advance the theoretical and practical knowledge of political public relations, and influence that political profile of the media can have on the agenda-building process. The influences of agenda indexing are also discussed with regard to different media profiles. A quantitative content analysis was conducted to examine the influence of Polish and Russian government messages from presidents and prime ministers regarding the Smolensk plane crash on media coverage in both counties. Newspapers were categorized by political profile representing pro-government, mainstream, or opposition profile. Nearly all of the hypotheses were fully supported for the first, second, and third level of agenda building. Results of this study demonstrate that political public relations’ success and agenda indexing can be affected by a medium’s political profile, particularly in the case of opposition media. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed along with areas of future research.


2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirsten Kozolanka

Abstract: This paper examines the key legitimating role of communication and the media, and the role of taming-labour, in constructing the Ontario neo-liberal hegemonic project in 1995. Media-content analysis and examination of the communication strategies of the Ontario government in the 1996 public-service strike show that the government relied on constructing the perception of a hegemonic crisis and framing labour as oppositional to the public interest of resolving the crisis. The government’s general strategy of quick-attack communications offensives curtailed media and opposition scrutiny, increasing the likelihood of policy success and media dependence on its framing of issues. A strong challenge to the government led by labour and social justice groups failed in the face of state public relations, media silence, and internal dissension. Examination of a second strike in 2002 suggests that even without a crisis, the government continued its attack on labour. Résumé : Cet article examine le rôle clé de légitimation joué par les communications et les médias, ainsi que les efforts déployés pour calmer la main-d’œuvre, lors de l’exécution d’un projet hégémonique néo-libéral en Ontario en 1995. Une analyse de contenu médiatique et l’examen des stratégies communicationnelles du gouvernement ontarien lors de la grève du service public en 1996 montrent que le gouvernement a tenté de faire croire à une crise hégémonique et a suggéré que la main-d’œuvre s’opposait à l’intérêt public en entravant la résolution de la crise. La stratégie du gouvernement, qui consistait en de rapides attaques communicationnelles, a empêché l’opposition et les médias de faire leur travail, augmentant à la fois la dépendance que les médias avaient de la version gouvernementale des faits, et ainsi augmentant les chances de succès du gouvernement. Des groupes de main-d’œuvre et de justice sociale se sont fortement opposés au gouvernement, mais ont échoué face à la campagne de relations publiques de l’État, au silence des médias et à cause de différends internes. L’examen d’une seconde grève en 2002 suggère que, même sans crise, le gouvernement a continué à attaquer la main-d’œuvre syndiquée.


2015 ◽  
pp. 1179-1195
Author(s):  
Sónia Pedro Sebastião ◽  
Alice Donat Trindade

This chapter demonstrates how Web social media can be used in different ways to create more personalized or more impersonal messages in political public relations campaigns. When everyone is awakening to the potential of these social media for political communication campaigns, it is necessary to find alternative strategies to spread our word and distinguish ourselves from our competition. At this point, it is important to define the targets of persuasion and public relations; in addition, the manner in which a public relations campaign can be helpful is yet to be established, as well as the most adequate social media to be used.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 237-256
Author(s):  
Charis Rice ◽  
Maureen Taylor

This article uses Northern Ireland as a research context to explore how elite discourse (from political and media actors/institutions) influences how Non-Profit Leaders (NPLs) assess the trustworthiness of government. We provide emergent themes which should aid theory development and practice in the area of political public relations by showing: (1) the value NPLs place on ‘soft’ trust qualities in trust assessments of government, namely benevolence; (2) the importance NPLs place on communicative acts which model trust (e.g. dialogue, compromise, mediation); and (3) the destructive role of divisive political elite discourse within a defective political system, amplified via the media, in NPLs’ distrust of government. The study thereby emphasises the crucial and constitutive role trust perceptions play in (in)effective political public relations, arguing that ‘trust’ must be defined by the perceiver and critically unpacked if public relations research is to fully appreciate its function. We propose that the nature of Northern Ireland’s post-conflict divided society, and political discourse in specific, makes certain trust antecedents most desirable to cross-community stakeholders. The findings contribute to further refining the concept of trust in public relations and they may also be instructive for other contexts.


2007 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Hollings

This survey (n=514) updates and extends previous surveys of New Zealand journalists, by measuring attitudes to resourcing, news coverage, ethics and standards, changing technology, ownership and other topics. Reasonably broad coverage of print, broadcast and internet journalists was achieved. Low pay and a lack of support and training, rather than staff numbers, were the standout concerns. Most respondents believed coverage of local, political, business and features was good, while sports achieved the highest rating and foreign coverage the lowest. Respondents generally rated ethics and standards as important, and while they had concerns about sensationalism, they did not seek more regulation. They considered the media was generally performing its watchdog role well, but had concerns about the impact of decreasing resources (especially staff numbers, levels of experience, and time to develop in-depth investigations) on that watchdog role, as well as the impact of changing technology, commercial and advertising pressures. They were evenly divided between antagonism and tolerance in their stances towards public relations. Respondents’ political views were generally neutral or slightly left. There were significant differences across gender, job status, employer and age in many of the results. Demographic data suggest the workforce is becoming more feminised, (as earlier surveys have suggested), with disproportionate numbers of younger women and older men, and an apparent pay disparity between males and females.


SEEU Review ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-85
Author(s):  
Demush Bajrami ◽  
Albrie Xhemaili

Abstract The human history relates to the history of communication, which has also been a co-driver of human development. Communication integrates the knowledge, organization and power of a society. Today, there is an increasing debate over the importance of politicians' mutual communication, communication with voters and the media, the role of public relations in politics, and communication with the civil society. Thus, political communication and the creative use of the media remain the essential component of any individual involved in politics or even of a political group. In this study, political communication in North Macedonia is presented in the context of political efforts into the integration process in European Union (EU), by observing all the stages within the process so far. From the content and the issues addressed, it is clear that policymakers face the challenges of communication (as is the case in many countries aspiring the European integration). In this paper, the premises of genuinely political communication strategy are analyzed separately, assessing them in the context of the political communication theory. It will be shown that successful communication is an important tool for convincing citizens that EU provides a better quality of life and work.


Author(s):  
Holly Vandenberg ◽  
William Hoverd

This research note briefly explores both the pre-attack and post-attack language employed by New Zealand’s security agencies and the New Zealand Prime Minister, specifically with regards to the terms ‘extremism’ and ‘terrorism.’ It demonstrates that throughout 2019, national security references to the Christchurch attacker were inconsistent in their use of the terms ‘extremist’ and ‘terrorist.’ We argue that this inconsistency indicates confusion and directly influences government and security agencies, as well as, the media and general population. Consequently, it is imperative for the terms to be clearly defined so that the executive and national security sector can deliver concise, clear, factual and consistent language and information for any future extremist or terrorist concerns facing New Zealand. Moreover, at this stage, we see no evidence that the new 2020 DPMC definitions of these two terms have encouraged consistent and concise language around these terms across the sector. We stress that an improvement in this language consistency will, ultimately, achieve better national security outcomes and lead to a safer New Zealand.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (19) ◽  
pp. 161-179
Author(s):  
Laura Cervi

The article analyzes the media treatment of two sex scandals: the “Stormy Daniels scandal”, which involved the current US President Donald Trump in 2018 and the “Ruby scandal”, which involved Silvio Berlusconi in 2010, while he was Italy’s Prime Minister. By combining both quantitative and qualitative methodologies the aim is to discover whether the media treatment is different, as we can expect since the two countries belong to two different media systems, or if, following the theory of Americanization of political communication, the Italian media will tend to emulate the American model. Furthermore, another aim of this study is to detect whether a shift towards a more Polarized Pluralist model can be identified in the USA, as some authors have started foreseeing. The results will show that both countries’ media behave coherently with the traditional feature of their media system, the Polarized Pluralist and the Liberal.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Andika Hendra Mustaqim

This research explores the political communication by New Zealand Prime Minister JacindaArdern in the face of terror attacks of two mosques in Christchurch on March 15, 2019. The emphasis of research is empathy politics in a narrow framework and broader framework, namely the humanitarian framework. The study used the method of analyzing the content of speeches and Ardern statements and case studies with qualitative approaches and critical constructivist paradigms. The results of the study are Prime Minister JacindaArdern using various models and ways to show political communication in handling terror attacks against two mosques in Christchurch. The politics of tears is played as a form of empathy politics. Protection from minorities was also shown by Ardern. Hug is a form of political action to embrace. Ardern often gives greetings typical of Muslims.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Laufer

© 2020 Elsevier Inc. Universities increasingly expect academics to engage with external stakeholders. This includes providing media commentary. In this article I describe my experience writing a monthly column on Crisis Management in the New Zealand Herald, the most widely read newspaper in New Zealand with an average daily readership of over 460,000 people (New Zealand Herald, 2019). The article also describes the benefits of writing a newspaper column including educating the public about issues relating to Crisis Management such as managing Covid-19, creating a platform for enhancing collaboration between academics and Public Relations firms, and enhancing the reputation of both the academic and university. This article will benefit academics in the field of Public Relations who are interested in writing a newspaper column to engage through the media.


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