Public Response to Online Public Debate in the 2020 Regional Head Election of Ponorogo Regency

Author(s):  
Alifa Chandra Kumara ◽  
Dian Suluh Kusuma Dewi

This year, regional head elections were held in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic so that social media can be used as a means of online campaigns to reduce mass gathering. This research was conducted to see the response of the Ponorogo community in participating in online public debates and to assess people's political participation by analyzing public comments on public debate shows on YouTube and Facebook. The data is processed using the Nvivo12 plus application by using cross tabulation data analysis techniques with manual coding then the results of the data obtained are described and analyzed in accordance with the theory of response and political participation. The data obtained on Facebook and YouTube were 772 responses with details of 357 responses on Facebook and 415 responses on YouTube. The responses given are in the form of positive, negative, and neutral responses. The process of obtaining data on public response is in accordance with the S-O-R response theory (Stimulus, Organism, Response) and the stage of response formation, as well as the political participation of the Ponorogo community is high enough to see the debate shows but the level of activeness in giving responses is less active.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-65
Author(s):  
Rafika Abrianti ◽  
Nuryanti Mustari ◽  
Fatmawati ◽  
Ahmad Taufik

This study aims to determine the political participation of people with disabilities in the general election of the mayor of Makassar in 2018 and to determine the factors supporting and inhibiting political participation of people with disabilities in the election of the mayor of Makassar. The type of research is descriptive qualitative, which describes the political participation of people with disabilities in the general election of the mayor of Makassar in 2018 descriptively. The data collection techniques used are observation, interviews, and documentation. In this study, there were ten primary informants. Data analysis techniques by analyzing the results of the processed data are interpreted in the form of narration. While the validation of the data using triangulation. The results showed that the participation of people with disabilities in the Makassar mayoral election in 2018 was quite good because their participation was increasing from year to year. The supporting factors of political participation are the community environment and political awareness, and the completeness of the ballot. At the same time, the inhibiting factor is the lack of relevant data regarding the number of people with disabilities who take part in the election.


Author(s):  
Collen Sabao ◽  
Tendai Owen Chikara

The chapter examines and discusses the role and communicative potential of social media based platforms in citizen political participation and protests in Zimbabwe specifically focusing on the #thisflag movement on Facebook, Twitter and Whatsapp. #thisflag is a social media-based platform that rose to challenge the Zimbabwean government over the political and economic decay as well as rampant corruption characterising the country contemporarily. While a new phenomenon to Zimbabwe and Zimbabwean politics, the impact and communicative potential of social media as an alternative public sphere was recently tested in nationwide protest stayaway organised through the Facebook and Twitter movement under the #thisflag handle/brand. This chapter discusses the manners in which such social media platforms impact national politics in Zimbabwe as well as globally, specifically looking at the #thisflag movement as a case study.


2020 ◽  
pp. 772-786
Author(s):  
Collen Sabao ◽  
Tendai Owen Chikara

The chapter examines and discusses the role and communicative potential of social media based platforms in citizen political participation and protests in Zimbabwe specifically focusing on the #thisflag movement on Facebook, Twitter and Whatsapp. #thisflag is a social media-based platform that rose to challenge the Zimbabwean government over the political and economic decay as well as rampant corruption characterising the country contemporarily. While a new phenomenon to Zimbabwe and Zimbabwean politics, the impact and communicative potential of social media as an alternative public sphere was recently tested in nationwide protest stayaway organised through the Facebook and Twitter movement under the #thisflag handle/brand. This chapter discusses the manners in which such social media platforms impact national politics in Zimbabwe as well as globally, specifically looking at the #thisflag movement as a case study.


Information ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 118
Author(s):  
Tomoya Sagara ◽  
Muneo Kaigo ◽  
Yutaka Tsujinaka

This paper examines how social media are affecting Japanese civil society organizations, in relation to efficacy and political participation. Using data from the 2017 Japan Interest Group Study survey, we analyzed how the flow of information leads to the political participation of civil society organizations. The total number of respondents (organizations) were 1285 (942 organizations in Tokyo and 343 from Ibaraki). In the analysis of our survey we focused on the data portion related to information behavior and efficacy and investigated the meta-cognition of efficacy in lobbying among civil society organizations in Tokyo and Ibaraki. We found that organizations that use social media were relatively few. However, among the few organizations that use social media, we found that these organizations have a much higher meta-cognition of political efficacy in comparison to those that do not use social media. For instance, social media usage had a higher tendency of having cognition of being able to exert influence upon others. We also found that organizations that interact with citizens have a higher tendency to use social media. The correspondence analysis results point towards a hypothesis of how efficacy and participation are mutually higher among the organizations that use social media in Japan.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (8) ◽  
pp. 1339-1358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tetsuro Kobayashi

Despite the concern that partisan selectivity in the political use of social media leads to mass polarization, the empirical evidence is mixed at best. Given the possibility that these inconclusive findings are attributable to moderators in the process that have not been adequately studied, this article elaborates the roles played by different forms of social identities. By analyzing three datasets collected in Hong Kong, where Chinese and Hong Kongese identities are constructed in a nonmutually exclusive way, this study demonstrates that (1) partisan selectivity in media use is reliably detected among those with single Hong Kongese identity, but not among those with dual identities of Hong Kongese and Chinese, (2) the political use of social media polarizes the attitudes and affects of single identifiers, whereas it has depolarizing effects on dual identifiers, and (3) these contrasting effects on polarization between single and dual identifiers have downstream consequences for political participation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 118
Author(s):  
Rudi Andika ◽  
Marzuki Marzuki ◽  
Rahmad Halomoan Lubis ◽  
Cut Vely Muliyana ◽  
Safrida Safrida

Agriculture is one of the main centers as source of livelihood for the people  in west aceh  regency,  this  can  be  seen  from  the  yields  of farmers  which  are increasing  every  year.  However,  the  increase  in yields  is  inversely  proportional  to  the  welfare  of  the  west  aceh farmers,  due to the  influence of price manipulation by middlemen. This   study   aims   to   examine   the   role  and  supervision   of   the government  in protecting the rights of  farmers from middlemen in west Aceh district. The method used in this research is  qualitative with  a  variety  of  secondary  data  analysis   techniques   and  used scientific narrative review data analysis techniques. The results show that discrimination against farmer by middlemen was indeed common in west Aceh. The role of the west Aceh government in overcoming this problem is by providing education, issuing policies on program for providing business capital to farmers. Meanwhile, the supervision that the goverment faces is in the form of a minumun level of public response to policies that have been regulated by the government and a lack of trust from the peasant community in the government.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Erond Litno Damanik

This article discusses the political participation of new voters of WhatsApp users in the city of Medan in the governor election of Sumatra Province in 2018. The purpose of the study was to find out about the understanding of democracy and the level of political participation of new voters who use WhatsApp social media as a political discussion. Beginner voters are defined as community members who have the right to vote, aged 17-21 years or have/have been married and registered as a Permanent Voter List. In order to approach the research problem, this study uses the theory of public sphere and contagion. Public sphere is a digital space where critical, rational and objective discussion is transmitted to others. The problem in this study focused on how political participation of new voters who use WhatsApp in city of Medan in North Sumatra gubernatorial election 2018?. Can WhatsApp social media be considered a public sphere in the digital age? The results of the study show that the political participation of new voters of WhatsApp users has increased significantly but the understanding of democracy is co-opted in the politics of identity. Digital democracy is castrated by politics of identity because of the social situation, family environment, relatives and peers, the influence of the pulpit and the religious scriptures and ethnic communities. Then, WhatsApp social media is not a public sphere but 'mono sphere' or 'solo sphere' which is privatized as a limited discussion room with family, relatives, peers, friends of religion and ethnic friends.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 48-62
Author(s):  
Nwachukwu Andrew Egbunike

This article is a study of the influence of social media on political participation of youths in Nigeria through a review of the methodology, research themes and theoretical trends. The research method was a content analysis of forty-four relevant empirical articles. Findings showed that the predominant themes were political participation, social media and ethnicity. Most of the reviewed studies employed surveys, desktop research or critical review of literature as their research method. Most reviewed studies either adopted quantitative or qualitative research method and without a theoretical framework. It was evident that many studies in the global north did not link political participation to ethnicity, unlike those that were carried out in Nigeria. In addition, there were few studies on the influence of social media on the political participation of youths. Consequently, research in this area has to contextualize the Nigerian experience, adopt a triangulation of quantitative and qualitative research methods with a strong theoretical base.


2020 ◽  
pp. 753-771
Author(s):  
Nwachukwu Andrew Egbunike

This article is a study of the influence of social media on political participation of youths in Nigeria through a review of the methodology, research themes and theoretical trends. The research method was a content analysis of forty-four relevant empirical articles. Findings showed that the predominant themes were political participation, social media and ethnicity. Most of the reviewed studies employed surveys, desktop research or critical review of literature as their research method. Most reviewed studies either adopted quantitative or qualitative research method and without a theoretical framework. It was evident that many studies in the global north did not link political participation to ethnicity, unlike those that were carried out in Nigeria. In addition, there were few studies on the influence of social media on the political participation of youths. Consequently, research in this area has to contextualize the Nigerian experience, adopt a triangulation of quantitative and qualitative research methods with a strong theoretical base.


2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (8) ◽  
pp. 1048-1068 ◽  
Author(s):  
Penelope Papailias

This essay addresses the user remediation and performative rematerialization of the 2015 photographs of 3-year-old Kurdish-Syrian refugee Alan Kurdi, as well as acts of concealing and deferring access to those images following intense public debate. This article shifts the frame of discussion from moral spectatorship to mediated witnessing and networked mourning in the context of contemporary affective publics. To speak of the memeification of Kurdi’s corpse-image is to underline the way repetition operates as a gesture of both inhabitation and differentiation by users who connect in this way to others and to the issue at hand. The Kurdi images, thus, were not so much observed by a global audience as produced by, and productive of, a massive, dispersed corporeal network. The conceptual figure of spectrality links the mediality and materiality of the dead body-image to contemporary necropolitics that dispossesses subjects, producing the ‘living death’ of the global precariat. If the public sphere is defined by prohibitions on grieving, conflicts regarding who views, mourns, and speaks for which dead bodies, although often ascribed to debased social media mores, tell us more about the political border of human and nonhuman that produces the revenant figure of the refugee haunting inhospitable and neoliberal, but nominally post-racial, Europe.


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