scholarly journals State Monopoly of the Right to Punish and Private Security Companies

2022 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 1297-1312
Author(s):  
Qaisar NASRAT
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patience A. Muwanguzi ◽  
Robert C. Bollinger ◽  
Stuart C. Ray ◽  
LaRon E. Nelson ◽  
Noah Kiwanuka ◽  
...  

Abstract Background Men in Sub-Saharan Africa are less engaged than women in accessing HIV testing and treatment and, consequently, experience higher HIV-related mortality. Reaching men with HIV testing services is challenging, thus, increasing the need for innovative ways to engage men with low access and those at higher risk. In this study, we explore men’s perceptions of drivers and barriers of workplace-based HIV self-testing in Uganda. Methods An exploratory study involving men working in private security companies employing more than 50 men in two districts, in central and western Uganda. Focus group discussions and key informant interviews were conducted. Data were analyzed using inductive content analysis. Results Forty-eight (48) men from eight private security companies participated in 5 focus group discussions and 17 key informant interviews. Of the 48 men, 14(29.2%) were ages 26–35 years. The majority 31(64.6%) were security guards. The drivers reported for workplace-based HIV self-testing included convenience, autonomy, positive influence from work colleagues, the need for alternative access for HIV testing services, incentives, and involvement of employers. The barriers reported were the prohibitive cost of HIV tests, stigma, lack of testing support, the fear of discrimination and isolation, and concerns around decreased work productivity in the event of a reactive self-test. Conclusions We recommend the involvement of employers in workplace-based HIV self-testing to encourage participation by employees. There is need for HIV self-testing support both during and after the testing process. Both employers and employees recommend the use of non-monetary incentives, and regular training about HIV self-testing to increase the uptake and acceptability of HIV testing services at the workplace.


Author(s):  
M. Kett ◽  
A. van Tulleken ◽  
Martin C. M. Bricknell ◽  
T. Spicer ◽  
K. Morland ◽  
...  

2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Giustozzi

An assessment of the employment of mercenaries in Afghanistan gives mixed results. U.S. armed forces appear to have been happy with the Afghan Security Forces and ad hoc militias and only replaced them because of political reasons or because they felt that they were no longer needed. By contrast, the work of private security companies seems to have satisfied few. While in the short term no practical alternative to their use existed, it is not obvious that this option saves any money to the governments involved in the medium and long-term. Moreover, private security contractors are not subject to the control of military authorities, nor to military discipline. Their record of abusive behavior is indisputable and probably played a significant role in alienating the Afghan public. Unless much changes, the potential of private security companies in peacekeeping does not appear to be a bright one.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 753-766 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elzbieta Karska

Abstract: This paper is devoted to the growing phenomenon of the private military and security industry with respect to human rights obligations. In the first part, it will analyze the concept of a private security company, which is not clear in national regulations and has few relevant provisions in international conventions. The second part will contain a short description of examples of human rights violations committed by private military and security companies, or with their participation, during service delivery or other forms of activity. The third part of this paper discusses possible methods of responsibility enforcement, with respect to the transnational character of many private security companies involved in human rights violations worldwide. One of the most important elements of the discussion in international community should focus on binding international instrument, preferably a convention, which would be able to establish at least very elementary rules for states and international organizations, responsible for using private military and security companies. The international community has witnessed a lot of initiatives from non-governmental entities, also model laws and self-regulations of the private security industry, but still the real problem has not even been reduced. The number of human rights violations has grown. Keywords: Human rights. Private security companies. Liability.


2021 ◽  
pp. 263380762110466
Author(s):  
Diarmaid Harkin

Reflecting on Loader and White ’s (2018) suggestion that the labour of private security workers is difficult to ‘commodify’, this paper uses original empirical data to show that there are four elements to what private security workers ‘do’ for victims of domestic violence when contracted by domestic violence advocacy services: they provide (a) practical ‘target-hardening’ measures, (b) ‘expert’ advice on security, (c) forms of ‘security therapy’ as workers talk clients through their safety-based anxieties and (d) forms of ‘security theatre’ as workers provide the appearance of providing security despite the efficacy often being unclear or uncertain. Each of these elements have significant risks that can threaten the interests of victims and domestic violence services.


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