Phonologically conditioned allomorphy in the morphology of Surmiran (Rumantsch)

2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen R. Anderson

Alternations between allomorphs that are not directly related by phonological rule, but whose selection is governed by phonological properties of the environment, have attracted the sporadic attention of phonologists and morphologists. Such phenomena are commonly limited to rather small corners of a language's structure, however, and as a result have not been a major theoretical focus. This paper examines a set of alternations in Surmiran, a Swiss Rumantsch language, that have this character and that pervade the entire system of the language. It is shown that the alternations in question, best attested in the verbal system, are not conditioned by any coherent set of morphological properties (either straightforwardly or in the extended sense of ‘morphomes’ explored in other Romance languages by Maiden). These alternations are, however, straightforwardly aligned with the location of stress in words, and an analysis is proposed within the general framework of Optimality Theory to express this. The resulting system of phonologically conditioned allomorphy turns out to include the great majority of patterning which one might be tempted to treat as productive phonology, but which has been rendered opaque (and subsequently morphologized) as a result of the working of historical change.

Linguistics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 869-903
Author(s):  
Silvia Luraghi ◽  
Merlijn De Smit ◽  
Iván Igartua

AbstractThis paper explores the hypothesis of contact-induced change for the rise of the partitive case in Finnic languages and of the partitive case/determiner in Basque. On the basis of the well-established Indo-European partitive-genitive case and taking into account the lack of such a basis on the Uralic side, we argue that the partitive case in Finnic languages has arisen as a result of Balto-Slavic influence. Concerning the Basque partitive determiner, we likewise suggest a contact scenario (with Romance languages) as being responsible for the development of an entire system of determiners, including the definite and possibly the indefinite article as well as the partitive marker, which originates in an old ablative ending but crucially lacks the morphological properties characteristic of Basque inflectional markers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bálint Huszthy

Abstract In the literature of laryngeal phonology Romance languages are considered voice languages, exhibiting a binary distinction between a voiced lenis and a voiceless fortis set of obstruents. Voice languages are characterised by regressive voice assimilation (RVA) due to the phonological activity of [voice]. Italian manifests a process similar to RVA, called preconsonantal s-voicing; that is, /s/ becomes voiced before voiced consonants. Since /sC/ is the only obstruent cluster in Italian phonotactics, Italian seems to fulfil the requirements for being a prototypical voice language. However, this paper argues that s-voicing is not an instance of RVA, at least from a synchronic phonological point of view. RVA and Italian preconsonantal s-voicing essentially differ at every level of a synchronic comparison: in the input, in the trigger, in the domain of application and in the frequency of the processes. In Italian only sibilant fricatives may undergo voicing before consonants; however, other obstruents (which mostly appear in loanwords) do not assimilate for [voice]. Italian preconsonantal s-voicing does not take place at the word boundary or at morpheme boundaries, and it seems to be optional is new loanwords; thus, it is not a postlexical process like RVA. The synchronic differences between the two phenomena are analysed in Classical Optimality Theory. The laryngeal system of Italian prefers faithfulness over markedness, which means that non-/sC/ obstruent clusters surface with underlying voice values; while the voicing of /s/ before voiced consonants is seen as phonetic and not phonological.


Author(s):  
Theodore Levin ◽  
Maria Polinsky

This is an overview of the major morphological properties of Austronesian languages. We present and analyze data that may bear on the commonly discussed lexical-category neutrality of Austronesian and suggest that Austronesian languages do differentiate between core lexical categories. We address the difference between roots and stems showing that Austronesian roots are more abstract than roots traditionally discussed in morphology. Austronesian derivation and inflexion rely on suffixation and prefixation; some infixation is also attested. Austronesian languages make extensive use of reduplication. In the verbal system, main morphological exponents mark voice distinctions as well as causatives and applicatives. In the nominal domain, the main morphological exponents include case markers, classifiers, and possession markers. Overall, verbal morphology is richer in Austronesian languages than nominal morphology. We also present a short overview of empirically and theoretically challenging issues in Austronesian morphology: the status of infixes and circumfixes, the difference between affixes and clitics, and the morphosyntactic characterization of voice morphology.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shin-ichi Tanaka

AbstractIn the history of phonological theory, the paradigm of computational systems has shifted in tandem with a better understanding of substantive issues such as typology, acquisition, social variation, and historical change in sound structure. The paradigm shift in the past 50 years can simply be characterized as the one from ‘serial derivation by rules’ to ‘parallel evaluation by constraints,’ and now Optimality Theory (OT) focusses on substantive issues by improving its phonetic groundings and has ceased groping for a better mode of computation. This is because OT is primarily a substantive theory of CON, and at least in its standard version, the computational systems of Eval and GEN are merely ‘given assumptions.’In this article, we will overview some arguments against OT in substantive respects. As an ultimate problem in substance, it cannot solve ‘the poverty paradox,’ which means the paradox of ‘the poverty of the stimulus’ in ontogeny and ‘the poverty of the inheritance’ in phylogeny. Moreover, as a proximate problem in substance, certain gaps to be missed in syllable typology would erroneously be predicted to exist by OT. Alternatively, we will rethink the mode of computation in phonology and propose a new paradigm for phonology from the viewpoint of language evolution under a minimalist lens. Our proposal is based on Fujita’s (2016a, 2017) Hypothesis on Motor Control Origin of Merge in Language Evolution, which solves ‘the poverty paradox’ and thus satisfies both explanatory and evolutionary adequacy. We will demonstrate that substantive findings in OT can successfully be carried over to this scenario, in which the empirical problem concerning the typological gap is offered a reasonable explanation. We will also show that phonology has a vital role in computation and is not merely a subsidiary issue at the interface of the Sensory-Motor systems in linearization or externalization. We will take up one case for this claim: the English syllable CCVC has structural ambiguity, which means that phonology involves internalization with some mechanisms in order to create different hierarchical structures.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-345
Author(s):  
Eystein Dahl

Abstract This paper examines the development of the aspect systems in the Indo-European languages Vedic and Latin. Even though aspectual distinctions are central in the verbal systems of both of these languages at the beginning of their attested traditions, they undergo quite different developments in the course of their history. The Vedic verbal system instantiates a classic case of the development from aspect to tense, whereas Latin maintains an aspect-based verbal system, which survives in the Romance languages. The paper explores the semantic properties of the Vedic and Latin past tenses in some detail from two distinct perspectives: a neo-Reichenbachian model, where aspect is regarded as a type of relation between reference time and event time (cf. e.g., Dahl 2010, 2015), and a model where aspect involves different types of partitive operators (cf. Altshuler 2013, 2014). Although these two approaches may first appear to be in conflict, the paper attempts to show that they represent complementary perspectives highlighting different dimensions of aspectual meaning.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Marjoleine Sloos

The low-mid unrounded front vowel /ɛː/ in German (as in Bären) has been subject to change since Old High German. It slowly merged with the high-mid unrounded front vowel /eː/, but a reversal seems to have emerged recently. This paper investigates both historical and current change of the Bären vowel. Historical change is investigated through literature-based research; current change is examined through corpus-based research. This paper takes the approach of studying both grammatical context and frequency of use. The two major insights of this study are (i) that the BÄREN vowel has been subject to change for a long time and is still variable, and (ii) that frequency effects interact with grammar in an unexpected way. This interaction shows us how to proceed with hybrid grammar-lexicon modelling and I advocate a combined model of Optimality Theory and Exemplar Theory to account for this type of grammar-frequency interactions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (17) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Félix Iglesias Fernández

L’oxetivu la presente investigación ye afondar nel usu de les formes compuestes haber + participiu, asina como tener + participiu, nel asturianu oral, pa comprobar la so funcionalidá, vitalidá y vixencia na fala cotidiana. Bien ye cierto que l’usu d’aquelles ye un marcador tipolóxicu perimportante dientro les llingües iberorromániques occidentales. Por embargu, la falta d’esti patrón morfolóxicu pue dicise que ye parcial, como bien s’observa na franxa’l pluscuamperfeutu; dellos investigadores defenden el calter patrimonial d’estes dientro’l sistema verbal asturianu, que ta nuna posición intermedia pente sistemes llingüísticos que sí xeneralizaron los tiempos compuestos y otros que non.Palabres clave: tiempu compuestu, tiempu verbal, haber, participiu, tener, perífrasis, pretéritu, pluscuamperfeutu, fala, oral, asturianu.El objetivo de la presente investigación es ahondar en el uso de las formas compuestas haber + participio, así como tener + participio, en el asturiano oral, para comprobar su funcionalidad, vitalidad y vigencia en el habla cotidiana. Bien es cierto que el uso de aquellas es un marcador tipológico relevante dentro de las lenguas iberorrománicas occidentales. Sin embargo, la falta de este patrón morfológico puede decirse que es parcial, como bien se observa en la franja del pluscuamperfecto; algunos investigadores defienden el carácter patrimonial de estas dentro del sistema verbal asturiano, que está en una posición intermedia entre sistemas lingüísticos que sí generalizaron los tiempos compuestos y otros que no.Palabras clave: tiempo compuesto, tiempo verbal, haber, participio, tener, perífrasis, pretérito, pluscuamperfecto, habla, oral, asturiano.The aim of the present investigation is to further explore the use of haber +compound participle forms as well as the tener + participle form in spoken Asturian to check its functionality, vitality and validity in daily speech. They are, in fact, relevant typological markers in the western Ibero-Romance languages. Nevertheless, the infrequency of these morphological patterns is arguably partial, as can be appreciated in the case of the pluperfect. Some researchers defend its natural presence in the Asturian verbal system, because this language is positionated in an intermediate area between verbal systems which generalise compound tenses and those which do not.Keywords: compound tense, verbal tense, haber, compound participle, tener, pluperfect, speech, daily speech, Asturian.


2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas Biber

English has a rich supply of grammatical devices used to express “stance”: epistemic or attitudinal comments on propositional information. The present paper explores historical change in the preferred devices used to mark stance. By examining the entire system of stance devices, the study attempts to investigate the underlying patterns of change. Three major patterns are possible: 1) changes in social norms could result in speakers and writers expressing stance meanings to differing extents in different periods; 2) the grammatical system for the expression of stance could undergo change, showing an overall decline in the use of some grammatical devices, replaced by an increase in the use of other devices; 3) the patterns of use could undergo sharper register diversification over time, with particular stance devices taking on more specialized uses in particular registers. These possibilities are explored through corpus-based analysis of the written and speech-based registers in the ARCHER corpus, tracking the patterns of change across the past three centuries.


2000 ◽  
Vol 179 ◽  
pp. 263-264
Author(s):  
K. Sundara Raman ◽  
K. B. Ramesh ◽  
R. Selvendran ◽  
P. S. M. Aleem ◽  
K. M. Hiremath

Extended AbstractWe have examined the morphological properties of a sigmoid associated with an SXR (soft X-ray) flare. The sigmoid is cospatial with the EUV (extreme ultra violet) images and in the optical part lies along an S-shaped Hαfilament. The photoheliogram shows flux emergence within an existingδtype sunspot which has caused the rotation of the umbrae giving rise to the sigmoidal brightening.It is now widely accepted that flares derive their energy from the magnetic fields of the active regions and coronal levels are considered to be the flare sites. But still a satisfactory understanding of the flare processes has not been achieved because of the difficulties encountered to predict and estimate the probability of flare eruptions. The convection flows and vortices below the photosphere transport and concentrate magnetic field, which subsequently appear as active regions in the photosphere (Rust & Kumar 1994 and the references therein). Successive emergence of magnetic flux, twist the field, creating flare productive magnetic shear and has been studied by many authors (Sundara Ramanet al.1998 and the references therein). Hence, it is considered that the flare is powered by the energy stored in the twisted magnetic flux tubes (Kurokawa 1996 and the references therein). Rust & Kumar (1996) named the S-shaped bright coronal loops that appear in soft X-rays as ‘Sigmoids’ and concluded that this S-shaped distortion is due to the twist developed in the magnetic field lines. These transient sigmoidal features tell a great deal about unstable coronal magnetic fields, as these regions are more likely to be eruptive (Canfieldet al.1999). As the magnetic fields of the active regions are deep rooted in the Sun, the twist developed in the subphotospheric flux tube penetrates the photosphere and extends in to the corona. Thus, it is essentially favourable for the subphotospheric twist to unwind the twist and transmit it through the photosphere to the corona. Therefore, it becomes essential to make complete observational descriptions of a flare from the magnetic field changes that are taking place in different atmospheric levels of the Sun, to pin down the energy storage and conversion process that trigger the flare phenomena.


Author(s):  
John P. Robinson ◽  
J. David Puett

Much work has been reported on the chemical, physical and morphological properties of urinary Tamm-Horsfall glycoprotein (THG). Although it was once reported that cystic fibrotic (CF) individuals had a defective THG, more recent data indicate that THG and CF-THG are similar if not identical.No studies on the conformational aspects have been reported on this glycoprotein using circular dichroism (CD). We examined the secondary structure of THG and derivatives under various conditions and have correlated these results with quaternary structure using electron microscopy.THG was prepared from normal adult males and CF-THG from a 16-year old CF female by the method of Tamm and Horsfall. CF female by the method of Tamm and Horsfall.


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