Roots of the American Anti-Terrorism Crusade

2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samih Farsoun

The 11 September 2001 attacks are a denning moment for the USA. They have changed its perception of international reality by formulating an ideological framework to justify a new political and military strategy that is changing the terms of international relations. This article analyses the strategy towards ‘rogue states’ and ‘regime change’, and explores the emergence of the crusade against terrorism. It examines the domestic roots of this crusade, particularly the roles played by the Christian Right, the Neo-Conservatives, and the pro-Israeli lobbies. These combined forces push US domestic politics to the right, leading to an aggressive interventionist policy in the Middle East. Israeli actions dovetail with this crusade, thus becoming intertwined with domestic American issues. With their self-serving definition of terrorism, the US and Israeli governments prepare to launch a war against Iraq. Whether these combined efforts succeed will depend on the extent of domestic and international opposition.

Author(s):  
Giacomo Luciani

This chapter examines the impact of oil and political economy on the international relations of the Middle East. It begins by discussing the relationship between oil and the consolidation and evolution of the modern Middle Eastern state system, noting that, while outside powers have invariably used oil in their calculations of Middle East policy, oil has figured less prominently in the foreign policies of Arab states. As regards domestic politics, the rentier state paradigm shows how oil has conditioned economic and political outcomes in both oil-rich and oil-poor states, slowing down the prospects for reform. The chapter proceeds by assessing the influence of oil on inter-Arab relations and concludes with some reflections on the regional and international environments as well as the political order in the Middle East.


Author(s):  
Leonhardt van Efferink

Since the term geopolitics was coined in 1899 it has had many different meanings. They all evolve around its two parts, “geo” and “politics.” Dealing with the possible meanings requires a thorough understanding of what distinguishes them from one another. First, “geo” can denote various geographic aspects, such as space, soil, or territory. More specifically, it can denote geographic conditions, such as the presence of natural resources in a bounded area. Whether geography should be considered a static or a dynamic factor has also been subject to debate. Furthermore, “politics” generally concerns factors that are related to power, such as foreign policy, international relations, and military strategy. Here the discussion has been fueled by different views on the relative importance of states vis-à-vis nonstate actors. Causality and its intensity is another cause of disagreement, with some arguing that geography is decisive for political outcomes (geographic determinism). An alternative view is that geographic and political processes mutually influence each other. Finally, intellectual discord has originated in the descriptive, prescriptive, and predictive possibilities of geopolitical research. Are experts in the field capable of analyzing the interaction between geography and politics objectively? Is it desirable that these experts are involved in formulating policy advice? And is a geopolitical specialist able to produce reliable forecasts? These perspectives explain why one widely accepted definition of “geopolitics” does not exist. As a working definition for this contribution, the study of the ways space and power are linked would be appropriate. Please note that this bibliography concerns publications in English, French, German, and Dutch.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
May Darwich ◽  
Juliet Kaarbo

Research on international relations of the Middle East (IRME) has suffered from a schism between International Relations (IR) theory and regional particularities. To address this, scholars have offered corrective accounts by adding domestic factors to IR structural approaches. Studies on IRME thus reflect the turn to decision-making and domestic politics that has recently occurred. This article develops a critical analysis of the domestic politics orientation in IRME. We argue that this scholarship ignores work in foreign policy analysis (FPA) with its psychological-oriented and agent-based dimensions and that this constitutes a missed opportunity for the study of the region. The article offers suggestions for incorporating FPA research into IRME and argues that an FPA perspective offers an alternative and complementary approach to the eclectic frameworks predominant in the scholarship on IRME.


1987 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 321-332 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul M. Roman ◽  
Terry Christine Blum

The definition of alcohol problem intervention in the US has undergone a major transformation over the past 15 years. The structure of this transformation has been based on the promulgation and diffusion of the notion that alcohol problems are distributed throughout the social class structure rather than concentrated among the disaffiliated on Skid Row. The effective development of this new epidemiology as “fact” required several other elements vital to the mainstreaming of alcoholism intervention into the American health care system: health insurance coverage, private systems for care and a source of clients from the population of employed persons. The interdependence among these events is analyzed, indicating the success of each has been dependent on the social accomplishment of the others.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 285-307
Author(s):  
Hema Nadarajah

Soft law has been observed to be increasing within the frontiers – regions and issue-areas that extend beyond national jurisdiction, and where governance substantively integrates scientific and technological knowledge. The often-used assumption for the prevalence of such instruments has been the uncertainty of scientific knowledge. This paper takes this facile analysis further by examining the dynamic changes to the number and diversity of state and non-state actors as well as their relative influence. Using a revised definition of soft law which encompasses both binding and non-binding forms, this article shows that this has not been the case. Through analysis of the legal framework within which the region is governed and a mixed methodology drawing from the fields of international relations and international law, this research confirms that soft law is prevalent within the Arctic and that it is an outcome of domestic politics, as well as geopolitical tensions among the relevant states.


2021 ◽  
pp. 4-7
Author(s):  
Zara Ferreira

After the war, the world was divided between two main powers, a Western capitalist bloc led by the USA, and an Eastern communist bloc, driven by the USSR. From Japan to Mexico, the post-war years were ones of prosperous economic growth and profound social transformation. It was the time of re-housing families split apart and of rebuilding destroyed cities, but it was also the time of democratic rebirth, the definition of individual and collective freedoms and rights, and of belief in the open society envisaged by Karl Popper. Simultaneously, it was the time of the biggest migrations from the countryside, revealing a large faith in the city, and of baby booms, revealing a new hope in humanity. (...) Whether through welfare state systems, as mainly evidenced in Western Europe, under the prospects launched by the Plan Marshall (1947), or through the establishment of local housing authorities funded or semi-funded by the government, or through the support of private companies, civil organizations or associations, the time had come for the large-scale application of the principles of modern architecture and engineering developed before the war. From the Spanish polígonos residenciales to the German großsiedlungen, ambitious housing programs were established in order to improve the citizens’ living conditions and health standards, as an answer to the housing shortage, and as a symbol of a new egalitarian society: comfort would no longer only be found in bourgeois houses.


Author(s):  
Nadejda K Marinova

This chapter focuses on two organizations on opposite ends of the Cuban-American spectrum. The Carter administration utilized the Cuban American Committee to provide favorable public relations for normalization of diplomatic relations with Cuba. Washington’s opening ended after the 1980 Mariel boatlift, as Castro proved an unreliable partner. The Cuban American National Foundation was created under the Reagan presidency, and was utilized as a co-executor of policy, promoting with Congress and the US public, in multiple ways, the administration’s stance on Cuba. The chapter discusses the minority Cuban American Committee, and the right-wing Cuban American National Foundation. In addition to illustrating the multiple ways in which host governments use diasporas, the analysis underlines a major feature of host-state utilization of diaspora organizations: their emergence as a leading voice of the community with the endorsement of the host state, one avenue through which diasporas emerge as significant in international relations.


2019 ◽  
pp. 58-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrey Urnov

As a self-proclaimed “Global Leader” the United States have made “the assertion, advancement, support and defense of democracy” throughout the world one of the pillars of their foreign policy. This aim invariably figures in all Washington’s program documents pertaining to Africa. A major component of these efforts is an assistance to regular, free and fair elections. The selection of arguments cited to justify such activities has been done skilfully. In each specific case it is emphasized that the United States do not side with any competing party, stand “above the battle”, work for the perfection of electoral process, defend the rights of opposition and rank and file votes, render material and technical help to national electoral committees. Sounds irreproachable. However, the real situation is different. The study of the US practical activities in this field allows to conclude that Washington has one-sidedly awarded itself a role of a judge and supervisor of developments related to elections in the sovereign countries of Africa, tries to control the ways they are prepared and conducted. These activities signify an interference into the internal affairs of African states. The scale and forms of such interference differ and is subjected to tasks the USA try to resolve in this or that country on the national, regional or global levels. However, everywhere it serves as an instrument of penetration and strengthening of the US influence, enhancing the US political presence in African countries. The right of the US to perform this role is presented as indisputable. Sceptics are branded as opponents of democracy. The author explores the US positions and activities connected with elections in Africa during the last years of B.Obama and first two years of D.Trump presidencies. He shows how their policy have been implemented on the continental level and in regard to several countries – South Sudan, Libya, Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi, Rwanda, Nigeria, Somali, Kenya, Uganda.


Author(s):  
Alelign Aschale Wudie

The main intention in this article is to critically analyze the ex-president Barack Obama's speeches regarding the Middle East and (North) Africa and see how US-America, Middle East, and Africa are framed in political ideologies. Data is collected from the four speeches delivered by the ex-president of the USA in different places and settings. The data is analyzed using critical discourse analysis (CDA). The findings revealed that political ideology sleeplessly aspires to safeguard the interests of America and her “true” allies to sustain their world power and to suppress the “others” in the counterfeit names of tolerance, engagement, aid and support, democracy and freedom, knowledge-driven economy, peace and security, etc., that targets the younger generation. Contemporary pretexts and extensions have been done with discourse manipulations and real-life interventions.


ICL Journal ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alec Walen

AbstractJustice Roberts′s dissent in Obergefell v Hodges - the case in which the US Supreme Court found a constitutional right for same sex couples to marry - rested on the premise the Court cannot invoke the right to marry as a basis for changing the definition of marriage. But his argument works only if the Court has no obligation to find a constitutional meaning for the term. I argue here that it has such an obligation. I argue further that an analogy with the concept of ‘person’ throws light on how that obligation should work. And finally, I argue that the most plausible constitutional definition would include same sex couples.


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