scholarly journals DEBATE OF ISLAM AND COUNTRIES IN THE CONSTITUANTE BOARD, 1956-1959

Author(s):  
Heri Herdiawanto ◽  
Valina Singka Subekti

This study examines Hamka's political thinking about Islam and the State in the Basic State debate that took place in the Constituent Assembly 1956-1959. Hamka belongs to the basic group of defenders of the Islamic state with Mohammad Natsir in the Masyumi faction, fighting for Islamic law before other factions namely the Nationalists, Communists, Socialists, Catholics-Protestants and members of the Constituent Assembly who are not fractured. Specifically examines the issue of why Islam is fought for as a state basis by Hamka. and how Hamka thought about the relationship between Islam and the state. The research method used is a type of library research with literature studies or documents consisting of primary and secondary data and reinforced by interviews. The theory used in this study is the theory of religious relations (Islam) and the state. This study found the first, according to Hamka, the Islamic struggle as the basis of the state was as a continuation of the historical ideals of the Indonesian national movement. The second was found that the constituent debate was the repetition of Islamic and nationalist ideological debates in the formulation of the Jakarta Charter. Third, this study also found Hamka's view that the One and Only God Almighty means Tauhid or the concept of the Essence of Allah SWT. The implication of this research theory is to strengthen Islamic thinking legally formally, that is thinking that requires Islam formally plays a major role in state life. The conclusion is that Indonesian society is a heterogeneous society in terms of religion. This means that constitutionally the state recognizes the diversity of religions embraced by the Indonesian people and guarantees the freedom of every individual to embrace religion and realize the teachings he believes in all aspects of life. Hamka in the Constituent Assembly stated that the struggle to establish a state based on Islam rather than a secular state for Islamic groups was a continuation of the ideals of historical will.

2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-105
Author(s):  
Samer Abboud

Safi’s text interrogates the potential of Islamic reform movements to articulatea democratic and pluralistic politics throughout the Middle East and thebroader Islamic world. He begins by arguing that these reform movementsexert the greatest influence in determining the direction of sociopoliticalreforms in the Middle East, and, as a result, constitute a core movement fromwhich to understand and interpret the dynamics of the region’s cultural andsociopolitical reality. Furthermore, the author argues that in the contemporaryMiddle Eastern intellectual climate, Islamic reformists represent a synthesisbetween the opposing programs of moralist-Islamists on the one hand,and nationalist-secularists on the other. This synthesis constitutes the mostviable and realistic program for genuine reform and for developing a pluralisticsociety and participatory politics. In support of this thesis, Safi dividesthe text into nine chapters constituting four interrelated parts: “Democratizationand the Islamic State,” “Visions of Reform,” “Islamic Law and HumanRights,” and “Islam in a Global Cultural Order.”The first part poses the question of whether democracy and pluralism canflourish in a society in which Islamic law commands the majority’s allegiance.His answer is cautiously affirmative, as it depends on the rejuvenationof cultural and legal reforms grounded in a historical Muslim experience that offers the tools to transcend current political and cultural institutions.As such, both the secular state and Islamist movements preclude such arenewal: the former because its structures negate the possibility of pluralisticpolitics, and the latter because its merging of state structures with the communalstructure of the historical Shari`ah contradicts the nature of the Islamicpolity as established by the Prophet.These restrictions can be overcome through grounding the state in twopillars. First, this means severing the link between the state and the ummah,a separation necessary to ensure that the state and its institutions are nothijacked by particularistic interests or erected as obstructions to the Islamiccommunity’s spiritual and conceptual development. Such an Islamic state,which privileges the marshalling of state resources toward the Islamiccommunity’s spiritual goals, also has, as its second pillar, the concept of consensus(ijma` ). Classical jurists viewed this concept as the fundamentalprinciple that confers legitimacy upon the state. Therefore, the state gainsits legitimacy insofar as it reflects the ummah’s will ...


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Nafis Irkhami

Hizbut Tahrir (The Party of Liberation) is an international pan-Islamic politica<br />l organization. Its goal is to unify all Muslim countries as an Islamic state<br />(caliphate) ruled by shariah. They argued that caliphate and Islamic law should<br />not be separated. Without a caliphate, the sharia application will never be<br />totally accomplished. Factually, these grand themes constitute the global discourse<br />applied by Hizbut Tahrir movements around the world. It becomes<br />the main idea that links their global ideological ground and commonality.<br />Hizbut Tahrir (HT) entered into Indonesia in 1982, through M. Mustofa and<br />Abdurrahman al-Baghdadi. As in another countries, HT got repression from<br />the government. Using a momentum of the reformation era, Hizbut Tahrir<br />Indonesia (HTI) begin to socialize its ideas openly. Even in 2000, they have<br />registered its organization at the Ministry of Domestic Affairs.<br />This study aims to scrutinize the ideas of HTI thinking about political economy,<br />which is devoted to the theory about the relationship between religion, state<br />and economy, as well as the construction of public finances. This study is<br />intended as a historical study of Islamic economic thought. The discourse of<br />the study focuses on three questions. First, how does HTI grow in Indonesia,<br />and why does they flourish? Second, what are the relationship between the religion, the state and the economy according to them? Finally, how is the<br />structure of HTI’s public finances?<br />This qualitative study was an exploratory-analysis. It was intended to analyze<br />key concepts in a plantation of thought that has been documented, both<br />from primary and secondary sources. It is a library research. The sources of<br />the research are in the form of HTI’s works which have been well documented<br />in a large numbers, including in the Pdf formats. The study found that HTI<br />tended to see every current economic problem by reflecting it into the cultural<br />heritage of the past. Related to this, the slogan that they have always<br />been shouted was “Sharia is the only solution.” From this philosophy it can<br />be estimated that HTI’s thoughts of Islamic public finance, will face the problem<br />of contextualization.<br />Hizbut Tahrir (Partai Kemerdekaan) adalah sebuah gerakan politik Islam<br />internasional. Tujuannya adalah untuk menjadikan negara-negara Muslim dalam<br />satu kepemimpinan negara Khilafah yang diatur dengan syariah. Mereka<br />berpendapat bahwa kekhalifahan dan hukum Islam tidak dapat dipisahkan.<br />Tanpa Negara khilafah, syariah tidak dapat diterapkan dengan sempurna.<br />Gagasan utama inilah yang diusung oleh Hizbut Tahrir di seluruh dunia. Gagasan<br />pokok itulah yang mempertemukan idiologi dan pergerakan mereka. Hizbut<br />Tahrir masuk ke Indonesia pada tahun 1982 melalui M. Mustofa dan<br />Abdurrahman al-Bagdadi. Sebagaimana di negara-negara lain, HT mendapat<br />tekanan dari pemerintah. Dengan memanfaatkan momentum era reformasi,<br />HTI mulai mensosialisasikan ide-idenya secara terbuka. Bahkan pada tahun<br />2000 mereka telah mendaftarkan dirinya sebagai organisasi resmi di Depdagri<br />Ditjen Kesatuan Bangsa.<br />Studi ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap gagasan pemikiran HTI tentang<br />ekonomi politik, khususnya mengenai teori hubungan antara agama, negara<br />dan perekonomian, serta mengenai konstruksi keuangan publik. Kajian ini<br />dimaksudkan sebagai studi historis tentang pemikiran ekonomi Islam. Pokok<br />masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah: Pertama, bagaimana HTI tumbuh dan<br />berkembang di Indonesia. Kedua, bagaimanakah hubungan antara agama,<br />Negara dan perekonomian menurut mereka. Ketiga, bagaimanakah struktur<br />keuangan public menurut HTI?<br />Kajian kualitatif ini bersifat eksploratif-analisis, yakni dimaksudkan untuk mengurai dan menganalisa secara mendalam mengenai konsep-konsep kunci<br />dalam pemikiran HTI yang telah terdokumentasikan, baik dari sumber primer<br />maupun sekunder. Berdasar sifatnya, penelitian ini termasuk library research, di<br />mana bahan dan sumber data penelitian ini berupa karya-karya dari tokohtokoh<br />HTI yang telah terdokumentasikan dengan baik dalam jumlah besar,<br />termasuk dalam format Pdf. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa HTI cenderung<br />melihat segala persoalan ekonomi saat ini dengan merefleksikannya pada warisan<br />budaya masa lalu. Terkait dengan hal ini, slogan yang selalu mereka teriakkan<br />adalah “Syariah adalah satu-satunya solusi.” Dari cara berfikir ini dapat diperkirakan<br />bila pemikiran-pemikiran keuangan publik HTI akan menghadapi problem<br />kontektualitas.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 1261-1272
Author(s):  
Mufidah Mufidah ◽  
Djawahir Hejazziey ◽  
Novi Yuspita Sari

Article 29 paragraph 1 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia states that "the State is based on the One Supreme Godhead." This means that the state has given legitimacy to Islamic law as formal law in the Indonesian constitutional system. Islamic law has a great opportunity to be formalized into regulations, because the majority of Indonesians are Muslims. Perda Syariah itself in its journey has shown significant developments. There have been 433 regional regulations issued in Indonesia since 1998, however, these regional regulations with Islamic nuances have generated pro-contra attitudes from various parties. This study uses a qualitative research method with a literature approach. The results of the study state that there are still some parties who feel that regional regulations were born only as political needs that are less effective in their implementation, and others think that sharia regulations are an effort to regulate people's behavior so that they are in accordance with living norms.Keywords: Sharia Regional Regulation; Regional Autonomy; Formalization of Islamic Law Abstrak: Pasal 29 ayat 1 Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 menyatakan bahwa “Negara berdasarkan atas Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa.” Artinya negara telah memberikan legitimasi hukum Islam sebagai hukum formal dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia. Hukum Islam memiliki peluang yang besar untuk diformalkan menjadi peraturan, karena mayoritas bangsa Indonesia adalah pemeluk agama Islam. Perda Syariah sendiri dalam perjalanannya telah menunjukkan perkembangan yang signifikan. Telah ada 433 Perda lahir di Indonesia sejak tahun 1998, namun Perda-perda bernuansa Islam tersebut menimbulkan sikap pro-kontra dari berbagai pihak. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan literatur. Hasil penelitian menyatakan bahwa masih ada sebagian pihak merasa bahwa Perda lahir hanya sebagai kebutuhan politik yang kurang efektif dalam pelaksanaannya, dan  sebagian lain beranggapan bahwa Perda syariah adalah sebuah upaya untuk menertibkan perilaku masyarakat agar sesuai dengan norma-norma yang hidup.Kata Kunci: Perda Syariah; Otonomi Daerah; Formalisasi Hukum Islam


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-56
Author(s):  
Abdul Qayyuum Aminnuddin ◽  
Mohd Anuar Ramli

Negara Brunei Darussalam is known as a country that strongly adhere and follow the Syafi‘ite School of Islamic law (madhhab). Both in daily practice of its Islamic society as well as in the Islamic legal pronouncements (fatwa) that have been issued. Hence, this study aims to demonstrate the existence of opinion from madhhabs other than the Syafi‘ite in the justifications of the State Mufti of Brunei for issuing fatwa. Therefore, library research was conducted to gather suitable fatwas, while content analysis method was performed to identify fatwas that comprised the opinion of madhhabs other than the Syafi‘ite. As a result of this study, those opinions that were brought up in the fatwas are caused by several factors. Namely to show the similarities and differences of opinion between those madhhab and the Syafi‘ite, to meet the demand of the one seeking fatwa (al-mustafti) and when the State Mufti was giving guidance (irsyad) at the end of his fatwa. Keywords: Madhhab, Hanafi, Maliki, Syafi‘i, Hanbali, Fatwa, Brunei. Abstrak Negara Brunei Darussalam dikenali dengan negara yang berpegang kuat dengan mazhab Syafi‘I sama ada dalam amalan seharian masyarakat Islamnya mahupun dalam keputusan-keputusan fatwa yang dikeluarkan. Justeru kajian ini bertujuan untuk memperlihatkan kewujudan pendapat mazhab selain Syafi‘I dalam hujah-hujah Mufti Kerajaan Brunei bagi mengeluarkan fatwa. Kaedah perpustakaan dijalankan untuk mengumpul fatwa yang dikaji dan kaedah analisis kandungan digunakan untuk mengenal pasti fatwa yang terdapat di dalamnya pendapat dari luar mazhab Syafi‘i. Hasil kajian mendapati pendapat-pendapat mazhab selain Syafi‘I yang dikemukakan dalam fatwa-fatwa tersebut adalah disebabkan oleh beberapa faktor iaitu bagi menunjukkan persamaan dan perbezaan pendapat, bagi memenuhi permintaan orang yang bertanya dan apabila Mufti Kerajaan Brunei mengemukakan irsyad di hujung teks fatwanya. Kata kunci: Mazhab, Hanafi, Maliki, Syafi‘i, Hanbali, Fatwa, Brunei.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 217
Author(s):  
Luqman Nurhisam ◽  
Dimas Aprilianto

<p class="Default"><em>Bank secrecy refer to secrets in the relationship between a bank and a customer. In accordance with Article 40 paragraph (1) of Law Number 10 Year 1998 concerning Banking, it is stated that banks are required to keep confidential information regarding their depositing customers and their deposits. The research was conducted using the library research method, which looks for normative sources of law by reviewing the laws and regulations that apply or are applied to a particular legal problem. The approach used is the statutory approach, namely the approach taken by examining laws relating to bank secrecy. The purpose of this study is to further examine how Islamic law views the regulation of bank secrecy in Indonesia. The results of this study are related to the maintenance of one of the basic needs elements, namely assets that must be protected (hifdz al-maal), so if other parties ask for an explanation of the financial condition of a customer from a bank, this is not allowed.</em></p>


Mazahibuna ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 255
Author(s):  
Azman Arsyad ◽  
Ibtisam Ibtisam ◽  
Mulham Jaki Asti

The basic principle in Islamic law is to provide mashlahah to mankind, so that the main objective of a law requirement must be based on the maqashid sharia aspect, namely realizing benefits for humans both in world affairs and in the afterlife. Children as part of the foundation of religion because in the future they will become the successors of the ummah, Islam is here to provide protection for them, both maintaining their survival, proper education. Preventive measures must be taken to avoid bad behavior. The purpose of this study was to explore and refer to the concept of ihtiyat Imam Syafi'i regarding the suggestion of covering one's genitals with children. The research method used is library research and is qualitative in nature. Sources of data used in this study come from primary and secondary data. The result of this research is that the ability to cover the genitals of children is a form of precaution to avoid unwanted things


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-61
Author(s):  
Irma Riyani

This paper discusses how the Indonesian Sunni Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid and the Iranian Shiite Muslim leader Ayatollah Khomeini responded to the debate about the relationship between Islam and the state. Their responses impacted on the struggle of Indonesian and Iranian Muslims in considering the ideological basis of Indonesian and Iranian states. On the one hand, Wahid with his educational and social background and Indonesian political context rejected the concept of an Islamic state. He did not agree with the formalization of Islamic sharia. To implement his idea, he promoted the idea of Pribumisasi Islam. For Wahid, islamization was not arabization. Khomeini, on the other hand, believed that Islam is a religion that has complete laws and way of life including social rules. According to Khomeini, to effectively implement these rules, Muslims need to have executive power. In Khomeini’s view, when the Quran calls for Muslims to obey Allah, the messenger, and ulil amri, this means that Allah instructs Muslims to create an Islamic state. To realise his views, Khomeini proposed the doctrine of Velayat-e al Faqeeh. Thus, different religious-political contexts of these two leaders contributed to their different responses to the relationship between Islam and the state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-45
Author(s):  
Ahmad Ali Nurdin ◽  
Ahmad Tholabi Kharlie

This paper discusses how the Indonesian Sunni Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid and the Iranian Shiite Muslim leader Ayatollah Khomeini responded to the debate about the relationship between Islam and the state. Their responses impacted on the struggle of Indonesian and Iranian Muslims in considering the ideological basis of Indonesian and Iranian states. On the one hand, Wahid with his educational and social background and Indonesian political context rejected the concept of an Islamic state. He did not agree with the formalization of Islamic sharia. To implement his idea, he promoted the idea of Pribumisasi Islam. For Wahid, islamization was not arabization. Khomeini, on the other hand, believed that Islam is a religion that has complete laws and way of life including social rules. According to Khomeini, to effectively implement these rules, Muslims need to have executive power. In Khomeini’s view, when the Quran calls for Muslims to obey Allah, the messenger, and ulil amri, this means that Allah instructs Muslims to create an Islamic state. To realise his views, Khomeini proposed the doctrine of Velayat-e al Faqeeh. Thus, different religious-political contexts of these two leaders contributed to their different responses to the relationship between Islam and the state.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
JM Muslimin

Abstrak: Hukum Islam di Negara Pancasila. Menurut al-Mâwardî dan Ibn Taymiyyah, konsep asal penerapan hukum Islam terletak pada kemestian adanya negara Islam. Tetapi, kenyataannya konsep negara Islam itu sendiri bervariasi dari waktu ke waktu. Maka, konsep yang final dan nyata tidaklah jelas wujudnya. Dengan kata lain, dapat dikatakan bahwa dalam praktiknya hukum Islam dapat diterapkan di manapun selaras dengan konteks sosio-kultural serta perkembangan dan kemajuan. Republik Indonesia adalah contoh yang baik bagaimana hukum Islam dapat diterapkan. Meski negara secara esensial tetap dalam kondisi sekuler, ide tentang penerapan syariah tidaklah secara ekstrem dilarang. Yang perlu dicatat adalah ide tersebut haruslah diperdebatkan dalam ranah publik, sehingga secara alamiah diketahui bahwa negara Pancasila memiliki batasnya sendiri untuk dapat mengakomodasi syariah di satu pihak, dan di pihak lain syariah sendiri merasakan keperluan adanya batasan tersebut dengan memperhatikan konteks Indonesia.Kata Kunci: Pancasila, khilâfah, sekuler, perdebatanAbstract: Islamic Law in the Pancasila State. According to al-Mâwardî and Ibn Taymiyyah the original concept of applying Islamic law lies on the existence of Islamic state. But, the concept of the Islamic state varies from time to time. Thus, the final and real concept always remains unclear. It can be said that in practical sense, Islamic law can be implemented anywhere in accordance with the socio-cultural context and its progress and development. The Republic of Indonesia is a good example of how shariah can be applied. Despite the State remaining relatively secular, in essence, the idea of the application of shariah is not strictly excluded. Nevertheless, these concepts should be debated in public until it is widely known that the Pancasila state is limited in accommodating shariah on the one hand and how shariah can be practised freely by the Indonesian Islamic society on the other.Keywords: Pancasila, khilâfah, secular, debateDOI: 10.15408/ajis.v12i1.976


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-235
Author(s):  
Suenta Karina Siregar ◽  
Utary Maharani Barus ◽  
Yezrizawati ◽  
Idha Aprilyana Sembiring

The study was conducted to find out Compilation of Islamic Law governing the distribution of joint property, the application of the principle of partnership and the legal considerations of judges in the Supreme Court Decision of the Republic of Indonesia on Case Number 266K/AG/2010 in terms of the Compilation of Islamic Law against husband doesn’t provide for his children and his wife. This research uses normative juridical research methods that use secondary data consisting of primary, secondary, and tertiary legal materials with descriptive analysis and data collection tools are carried out by library research supported by data obtained through field research at Bantul Religious Courts. The results of this research is known that the regulation regarding the distribution of joint property to husbands who do not provide for their children and wives is not detailed in the Compilation of Islamic Law. This partnership causes the position of husband and wife to be the same in some respects, in other respects to be different, the husband becomes the head of the family, the wife becomes the head in charge of household regulation, each has a role, position, rights, obligations, and responsibilities, all of which complement and perfect each other, every role has rights and every position has obligations, whoever has more obligations or who bears greater obligations, he is the one who has more rights than the others. The judge to resolve the conflict must be able to resolve it objectively based on the applicable law, determine the facts in the trial including the relevant facts and the choice of which legal rules will be used as the basis for resolving the case.


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