scholarly journals Pan Arabism 2.0? The Struggle for a New Paradigm in the Middle East

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Nir Tuvia Boms ◽  
Hussein Aboubakr

The Abraham Accords, signed in September 2020 have helped shed a light on a new discourse emerging from the Gulf that seeks to challenge some of the old dogmas that have dominated the region in the last few decades. A decade of turmoil that followed what was once dubbed as the “Arab Spring” finds a divided region, full of ethnic and religious conflict, ungoverned territories, and the growing reality of failed states. An “axis of resistance”, led by radical elements from both the Shi’a and the Sunni world, is perceived as a growing challenge to a group of actors led by a number of Gulf countries who identify radicalization as an existential threat. Facing the “axis of resistance”, a new “axis of renaissance” is coming of age with an alternative vision that seeks to change the face of the Middle East. In parallel to the rapid decline of the traditional Arab capitals, the Gulf is emerging as a more significant voice in the region due to its economic, political, and media influence. This article seeks to capture and explain the rise of this new Gulf-led axis and the early formulation of a new agenda of a more tolerant Middle East through a radical reshuffling of the order of priorities in the region.

Author(s):  
Necati Polat

Of the apparent stamina of resistance to change, not only in Turkey but also in the Middle East, this chapter argues that treating the draconian regimes in the greater region as mere vestiges of native authoritarianisms lacks insights into the ostensible strength of those regimes. Accordingly, a characteristically ‘modern’ rationality could be implicit in the project of forced emancipation that largely defined the despotisms in the region during the Arab Spring. Motivated by a unique ‘liberation theology’ to save the locals ‘from themselves’, the regimes enforced ‘modernity’ in the face of traditional identities and practices. Promising autonomy from the tutelage of the local, this theology not only manufactured a crucial element of consent in respective domestic societies, but also brought together strands of global thinking, all possibly motivated by a normative commitment to modernity, ultimately in favour of those authoritarianisms: the Turkish neo-nationalism (ulusalcılık), the US neo-conservatism, and Dugin’s Eurasianism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Efe Can Gürcan

Purpose What are the causes and consequences of Turkey’s intervention in Syria? The purpose of this paper is to explore this question by focusing on the time frame from 2011 to 2016, i.e. prior to Turkey’s strategic U-turn from uncompromising enmity toward Russia and Iran. Design/methodology/approach Process tracing is used as the main methodological guideline. Findings Turkey’s intervention in Syria has been driven by a mutually reinforcing interaction of geopolitical, geo-economic and geo-cultural factors. Turkey’s neo-Ottomanist geo-strategy has been militarized in the context of the Arab Spring, perceived decline of US hegemony, increasing Kurdish autonomy and Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi’s (AKP) electoral setbacks. Second, Turkey’s intervention has been triggered by the converging motivations for energy security, easily gained profits from the black energy market and economic integration with Arab-Gulf countries in the face of a stagnating Western capitalism. A third set of factors speaks to the AKP’s instrumental use of Sunni sectarianism and Kurdish ethnopolitics. Originality/value The research aim is to provide a systematic and multi-causal explanation of Turkey’s involvement in Syria.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110173
Author(s):  
Andrey V Korotayev ◽  
Alina A Khokhlova

In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region after the Arab Spring, monarchy has turned out to be a far stronger negative predictor of destabilization than it was before 2011. For the MENA, the period after 2010 can be subdivided into three periods: a mass protests period (2011–2012), the period of explosive growth of radical Islamist activities (2013–2016), and the second mass protest period (since 2016). Our analysis demonstrates that monarchies’ stabilization capacity was preserved in 2011–2012 and grew substantially during 2013–2016, as MENA monarchies turned out to be more resilient in the face of the outbreak of radical Islamism in the region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (7) ◽  
pp. 277-284
Author(s):  
Nelson Goldpin Obah-Akpowoghaha ◽  
Momodou Lamin Tarro ◽  
Ogunmilade Adekunle

Studies on the Arab Spring have advanced economic reason as propeller to various ugly events that have changed the face of most states in the Middle East and North Africa. Most of this literature undermined the influenced of external motivations and knowledge which have been instrumental to certain occurrences in developing countries. This piece identified existing stereotypes which have been underscored by western thoughts and advanced an opposing narrative. This narrative seems to gain less attention compare to western views on the issues that surround the Arab quake. However, this investigation relied on secondary sources of data which is mainly extant literature vis-à-vis Marxist theories with the view of de-emphasising certain notions and bring to the fore realities of events in the Middle East and North Africa.


Author(s):  
Alistair Fox

By comparing Sam Pillsbury’s cinematic adaptation of Ronald Hugh Morrieson’s The Scarecrow (1963) with the original, this chapter shows how the filmmaker, who was raised in the USA and immigrated to New Zealand in his teens, empties the source novel of the moral ambiguities and transgressive elements that had made the original a genuinely New Zealand work, in so far as it reflected puritan guilt over transgressive impulses in the face of repression, and thus turned the story into a genre film that that is much more anodyne in its vision.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-202
Author(s):  
Siti Rohmah ◽  
M. Syukri Ismail ◽  
Moh. Anas Kholish ◽  
Mona Novita

Some circles suggest that the phenomenon of intolerance and religious conflict in Indonesia will be reduced by a religious education model dominated by a mono-religious approach. The approach that focuses on deepening the knowledge of all religions is considered to be the cause of the persistence of interfaith stigma and prejudice. However, there are objections from various circles to the concept and application of interreligious education which requires close dialogue and interaction, an appreciative attitude, and openness to adherents of other religions. This article argues that the development of a peaceful and diverse mono-religious education approach is possible. This study employs Mohammed Abu-Nimer's theory as an alternative model of Islamic peace education that is strategic, participatory and practical; it focuses on his experience in conflict areas and in the Islamic education environment, which is often stigmatized conservatively in the Middle East and Africa. This study confirms that monoreligious education provides room for peace education that builds pedagogy of tolerance, diversity and human rights.


Author(s):  
Jesse Ferris

This book draws on declassified documents from six countries and original material in Arabic, German, Hebrew, and Russian to present a new understanding of Egypt's disastrous five-year intervention in Yemen, which Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser later referred to as “my Vietnam.” The book argues that Nasser's attempt to export the Egyptian revolution to Yemen played a decisive role in destabilizing Egypt's relations with the Cold War powers, tarnishing its image in the Arab world, ruining its economy, and driving its rulers to instigate the fatal series of missteps that led to war with Israel in 1967. Viewing the Six Day War as an unintended consequence of the Saudi–Egyptian struggle over Yemen, the book demonstrates that the most important Cold War conflict in the Middle East was not the clash between Israel and its neighbors. It was the inter-Arab struggle between monarchies and republics over power and legitimacy. Egypt's defeat in the “Arab Cold War” set the stage for the rise of Saudi Arabia and political Islam. Bold and provocative, this book brings to life a critical phase in the modern history of the Middle East. Its compelling analysis of Egypt's fall from power in the 1960s offers new insights into the decline of Arab nationalism, exposing the deep historical roots of the Arab Spring of 2011.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (11) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Harith Qahtan Abdullah ◽  
Abbas Fadel Atwan

The borders of Kurdistan represent an important point in Kurdish thought. They represent the hope of establishing their national state. The circumstances of the war on terrorism in Iraq and Syria have led to the emergence of what is known as a "propaganda" and the formation of a global front in its struggle. And with the signs of the collapse of the Syrian state and the weakness of the Iraqi state in the face of the "dashing" in the beginning. These circumstances led to the emergence of the role of the Kurdistan region in the confrontation "ISIS" and maintain the administrative border in the three provinces of Kurdistan in addition to the province of Kirkuk. That the circumstances of the war on terrorism created new international conditions on the Middle East arena, which will generate many problems between the Kurdistan region and the central government of Baghdad, as well as other problems between the region, Syria, Turkey and Iran. The war on terrorism has made countries free to fight the opposition groups under the name Terrorism by their classification. The Turkish side is fighting the PKK within the borders of the Kurdistan region, and this war can develop in a post-"warlike" phase. The war in Syria is also contradictory to vision and not resolved to a specific side and Iran's position on developments is encouraging.


2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Baran Han ◽  
Pil Soo Choi ◽  
Seo-Young Yun ◽  
Sung Hyun Son ◽  
Jaeeun Park ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Damilola S Olawuyi

Despite increasing political emphasis across the Middle East on the need to transition to lower carbon, efficient, and environmentally responsible energy systems and economies, legal innovations required to drive such transitions have not been given detailed analysis and consideration. This chapter develops a profile of law and governance innovations required to integrate and balance electricity generated from renewable energy sources (RES-E) with extant electricity grid structures in the Middle East, especially Gulf countries. It discusses the absence of renewable energy laws, the lack of legal frameworks on public–private partnerships, lack of robust pricing and financing, and lack of dedicated RES-E institutional framework. These are the main legal barriers that must be addressed if current national visions of a low-carbon transition across the Middle East are to move from mere political aspirations to realization.


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