scholarly journals SHIFT FROM “ME” TO “WE” IN SOCIAL MEDIA

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-61
Author(s):  
Viktorija Lankauskaitė ◽  
Vilmantė Liubinienė

Currently media power is distributed via the multi-media World Wide Web. Web 2.0 has transformed every prosumer into an individual, mini-organism – “Me the Media” (the concept coined by Bloem, van Doorn & Duivestein 2009). Recently a trend has started to emerge, which indicates that Web conversations are creating new power relationships. This is especially vivid in the current multi-media coverage of political events, supported by cross-cultural social activism. Thus, the aim of this study is to analyse the emerging new trends in current social media that embody the shift from “Me” to “We” in power relationships. The idea that everyone is inter-linked and inter-active on the Web, involving not only common citizens and politicians, but also companies or brands, supports the finding that “We the Media” is the next development in social media, which needs to be taken seriously and investigated on a wider scale.

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tung Manh Ho

In June 2018, the news of the violent riot that happened in Binh Thuan, the province on the southeastern coast of Vietnam, shook up the domestic media. This paper attempts to understand the media coverage of the event under the lens of the theories of mediatization, connective turn, mediality, and witnessing. First, it will explore the propaganda and anti-propaganda that take place in the Vietnamese state media and the foreign-based Vietnamese media outlets. The paper then employs these concepts to analyze how the state is mediatized, and how citizen journalism together with social media influence and challenge the narrative on both sides of the media. The paper suggests a consistent ideology is on display in both sides of the media and the patterns in which the media report this kind of unusual socio-political events are unlikely to change.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Benny Nuriely ◽  
Moti Gigi ◽  
Yuval Gozansky

Purpose This paper aims to analyze the ways socio-economic issues are represented in mainstream news media and how it is consumed, understood and interpreted by Israeli young adults (YAs). It examines how mainstream media uses neo-liberal discourse, and the ways YAs internalize this ethic, while simultaneously finding ways to overcome its limitations. Design/methodology/approach This was a mixed methods study. First, it undertook content analysis of the most popular Israeli mainstream news media among YAs: the online news site Ynet and the TV Channel 2 news. Second, the authors undertook semi-structured in-depth interviews with 29 Israeli YAs. The analysis is based on an online survey of 600 young Israelis, aged 18–35 years. Findings Most YAs did not perceive mainstream media as enabling a reliable understanding of the issues important to them. The content analysis revealed that self-representation of YAs is rare, and that their issues were explained, and even resolved, by older adults. Furthermore, most of YAs' problems in mainstream news media were presented using a neo-liberal perspective. Finally, from the interviews, the authors learned that YAs did not find information that could help them deal with their most pressing economic and social issue, in the content offered by mainstream media. For most of them, social media overcomes these shortcomings. Originality/value Contrary to research that has explored YAs’ consumerism of new media outlets, this article explores how YAs in Israel are constructed in the media, as well as the way in which YAs understand mainstream and new social media coverage of the issues most important to them. Using media content analysis and interviews, the authors found that Young Adults tend to be ambivalent toward media coverage. They understand the lack of media information: most of them know that they do not learn enough from the media. This acknowledgment accompanies their tendency to internalize the neo-liberal logic and conservative Israeli national culture, in which class and economic redistribution are largely overlooked. Mainstream news media uses neo-liberal discourse, and young adults internalize this logic, while simultaneously finding ways to overcome the limitations this discourse offers. They do so by turning to social media, mainly Facebook. Consequently, their behavior maintains the logic of the market, while also developing new social relations, enabled by social media.


Author(s):  
Rocío Zamora ◽  
Juan Antonio Marín Albadalejo

Resumen Lo que algunos ya llaman una cultura política del escándalo (Barkin, 1999; Thompson, 2001; Castells, 2009) ha supuesto el reconocimiento del poder de los medios en la construcción simbólica del escándalo, a partir del énfasis en ciertos marcos interpretativos con los que se narran las conductas que condicionan la percepción pública de los escándalos políticos. Este trabajo se centra en la representación simbólica de los escándalos de corrupción política. El análisis de la cobertura periodística sobre un caso de gran actualidad en Murcia, el ‘caso Umbra’, demuestra que, además de por el relato político-técnico, legal y moral, los escándalos de corrupción política pueden ser también enmarcados desde el enfoque reputacional, es decir, a partir de preocupación por el deterioro de la imagen que la proliferación de escándalos de corrupción política ofrece sobre un territorio concreto y  sus instituciones.Palabras clave Escándalo político, corrupción política, framing, cultura política, poder político.AbstractWe live in, as some scholars called, a scandal political culture (Barkin, 1999; Thompson, 2001; Castells, 2009) that has supposed the recognition of the media power in the symbolic construction of scandals, where the emphasis in certain interpretive frames with which behaviours are narrated determine public perceptions of the political scandals. This article focuses on the symbolic representation of political corruption scandals. The analysis of the media coverage on this great current importance case in Murcia, called the ‘Umbra’ case, demonstrates that, besides the political- technical, legal and moral, the political corruption, scandals can be framed also from the reputation approach, that is to say, from the worried deterioration on the public image that political corruption scandals proliferation supposes on a concrete territory and his institutions.Keywords Political scandal, political corruption, framing, political culture, political power.


Author(s):  
Andrea Grisold ◽  
Hendrik Theine

Chapter 4 reviews a focused selection of the existing research which sheds light on the role that the media play in relation to the circulation of certain sets of ideas and discourses concerning inequality issues and redistribution policies (i.e., the shaping of inequality preferences and beliefs). The main aim in this chapter is to analyse prior empirical studies which explore how this is shaped and informed by media coverage and engagement. To do so, the authors first outline the findings of survey data analyses on individuals’ perception of inequality, and their related position towards the necessity of redistribution. After that, the chapter provides a systematic overview of contemporary empirical studies which examine the media coverage of economic inequality and redistribution policies, and thus debate the role mass media play as information providers. We assess the underlying assumptions and the methodological approaches guiding the respective empirical findings, highlight the merits of this body of work and identify open questions for further research. The last part of this chapter provides a discussion of (currently rather neglected) political economy theories that offer rich theoretical approaches to study media, power, and inequality, thus an enhanced theoretically informed understanding beyond the mere empiricism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Lewandowsky ◽  
Michael Jetter ◽  
Ullrich K. H. Ecker

Abstract Social media has arguably shifted political agenda-setting power away from mainstream media onto politicians. Current U.S. President Trump’s reliance on Twitter is unprecedented, but the underlying implications for agenda setting are poorly understood. Using the president as a case study, we present evidence suggesting that President Trump’s use of Twitter diverts crucial media (The New York Times and ABC News) from topics that are potentially harmful to him. We find that increased media coverage of the Mueller investigation is immediately followed by Trump tweeting increasingly about unrelated issues. This increased activity, in turn, is followed by a reduction in coverage of the Mueller investigation—a finding that is consistent with the hypothesis that President Trump’s tweets may also successfully divert the media from topics that he considers threatening. The pattern is absent in placebo analyses involving Brexit coverage and several other topics that do not present a political risk to the president. Our results are robust to the inclusion of numerous control variables and examination of several alternative explanations, although the generality of the successful diversion must be established by further investigation.


Author(s):  
Blooma John ◽  
Bob Baulch ◽  
Nilmini Wickramasinghe

The negative and unbalanced nature of media and social media coverage has amplified anxieties and fears about the Ebola outbreak. The authors analyse news articles on the Ebola outbreak from two leading news outlets, together with comments on the articles from a well-known social media platform, from March 2014 to July 2015. The volume of news articles was greatest between August 2014 and January 2015, with a spike in October 2014, and was driven by the few cases of transmission in Europe and the USA. Sentiment analysis reveals coverage and commentary on the small number of Ebola cases in Europe and the USA were much more extensive than coverage and commentary on the outbreak in West Africa. Articles expressing negative sentiments were more common in the USA and also received more comments than those expressing positive sentiments. The negative sentiments expressed in the media and social media amplified fears about an Ebola outbreak outside West Africa, which increased pressure for unwarranted and wasteful precautionary measures.


Author(s):  
Nour Shreim ◽  
Simon Dawes

 This full-length article introduces a special issue on the mediatization of Gaza. Beginning with a discussion on the ‘remarkable’ debate that took place on the MeCCSA mailing list during the Israeli bombardment of Gaza in July-August 2014, the article goes on to consider the role of the media in the conflict, and the relation between media and war, more generally. The article provides an overview of recent events in Gaza, the critique of media coverage of the conflict and recent literature on mediatization theory, before summarising the contents of this special issue of Networking Knowledge. The issue features articles on media coverage of Gaza by BBC World, the Jerusalem Post and Haaretz; the use of social media by the Palestine Solidarity Movement and young adult Palestinian refugees in Lebanon; critical documentary photographs of ‘unspectacular’ violence; and data visualisations of audio and visual tweets during the 2014 assault on Gaza. It closes with an interview with Helga Tawil-Souri on the ‘digital occupation’ of Gaza.  


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-123
Author(s):  
Cristiane Guilherme Bonfim ◽  
Márcia Vidal Nunes

This article aims to reflect on the impact that the campaign #PrimeiroAssédio [first harassment], created by the NGO Think Olga, in 2015, had on the perception of Facebook female users on the subject of harassment, drawing from the perspective of Cultural Studies. This hashtag encouraged the sharing of content and placed the feminist issue of combating sexual harassment on the agenda. We have used Martín-Barbero’s (1997) concept of mediation to investigate the context in which users published posts on Facebook and have conducted interviews with women who have published comments in the campaign’s posts. In a context of prolific content generation and intense participation, with many people speaking to many people, many authors see the emergence of politically driven action on social media, the so-called “digital activism”, as being relative, holding little expectations of radical social change. Our interviewees’ answers indicate that, in terms of tangible changes, they found that they were able to engage in dialogue about the topic with the people who were closest to them.         Este artigo tem como objetivo refletir sobre o impacto da campanha #PrimeiroAssédio, criada pela ONG Think Olga, em 2015, na percepção de leitoras no Facebook sobre o tema assédio, sob a perspectiva dos Estudos Culturais. A hashtag incentivou compartilhamento de conteúdo e agendou veículos de mídia sobre assédio, uma pauta que é bandeira de movimentos feministas. O conceito de mediações de Martín-Barbero (1997) é usado para investigar o contexto de postagens no Facebook e entrevistas com mulheres que comentaram em posts da campanha. No cenário de geração de conteúdo em profusão e da participação de muitos falando para muitos, a atuação política nas redes sociais, o chamado ativismo digital, é perpassada com alguma relativização, sem expectativa de mudança radical. As respostas das entrevistadas sinalizam que campanhas como essa podem  alcançar repercussão fora das redes, mas indicam que a mudança gerada foi o diálogo mais frequente sobre o tema com o círculo de pessoas mais próximo.Este artículo objetiva hacer una reflexión sobre el impacto de la campaña #PrimeiroAssédio (#Primeracoso), creada por la Organización no Gubernamental Think Olga el 2015, en la percepción de lectoras en Facebook sobre el tema acoso, bajo la perspectiva de los Estudios Culturales. La etiqueta incentivó que el contenido fuera compartido y generó agenda setting de medios de comunicación sobre acoso, una pauta que es bandera de los movimientos feministas. El concepto de mediaciones de Martín-Barbero (1997) es usado para investigar el contexto de publicaciones en Facebook y entrevistas con mujeres que comentaron en posts de la campaña. En el escenario de geración de contenido en profusión y de participación de muchos comunicando para muchos, la actuación política en las redes sociales, el llamado activismo digital, se puede identificar alguna relativización, sin expectativa de cambio radical. Las respuestas de las entrevistadas señalan que campañas como esa pueden alcanzar repercusión más allá de las redes, pero apuntan que el cambio generado ha sido el diálogo más a menudo sobre el tema con el círculo de personas más cercanas.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-128
Author(s):  
Saktisyahputra Saktisyahputra

AbstractThe roles and functions of Political Parties have been degraded lately due to negative stereotypes towards Political Parties, including the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS). It happened because some PKS cadres were caught by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in mass media coverage. Besides, the formation of Political Parties including the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) as the birthplace of national leadership seems to be less than optimal. For this reason, researcher was interested in discussing the use of public relations communication media for PKS through the media in improving the image of the institution. Based on this context, this study aims to determine the utilization of PKS Communication Media in Improving the Image and analyze the factors that support PKS Communication Media Use. This study uses qualitative research methods with data collection techniques in the form of interviews, observation, documentation and literature study. Interviews were conducted on 4 (four) informants representing the PKS Public Relations Division at both the DKI Jakarta Province level and DPC PKS at the Pulogadung District level. The results showed that the utilization of the media for the use of communication media, especially social media by PKS public relations, among others were Photo PKS, TV PKS, Digital Volunteers, Literacy Volunteers, PKS Art, and the creation of short videos advertised. Factors supporting the use of communication media are solid HR PKS cadres and sufficient funding sources to support the use of communication media, especially social media, in reducing the negative stereotypes of the community towards PKS and improving the image of the Jakarta PKS. Abstrak Peran dan fungsi Partai Politik akhir-akhir ini telah terdegradasi karena adanya  stereotip negatif terhadap Partai Politk, termasuk Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS). Hal ini karena beberapa kader PKS tertangkap Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) dalam pemberitaan media massa. Selain itu pengkaderan Partai Politik termasuk Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) sebagai tempat lahirnya kepemimpinan nasional terlihat kurang maksimal. Untuk itu peneliti tertarik membahas pemanfaatan media komunikasi humas Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) melalui media dalam meningkatkan citra lembaga. Berdasarkan konsteks tersebut, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui Pemanfaatan Media Komunikasi Humas Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) DKI Jakarta Dalam Meningkatkan Citra dan menganalisis  faktor-faktor yang mendukung Pemanfaatan Media Komunikasi Humas Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) DKI Jakarta. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data berupa wawancara, observasi, dokumentasi dan studi kepustakaan. Wawancara dilakukan pada 4 (empat) orang informan mewakili Bagian Humas PKS baik di tingkat Provinsi DKI Jakarta dan DPC PKS tingkat Kecamatan Pulogadung.  Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pemanfaatan media Pemanfaatan Media Komunikasi terutama Media Sosial oleh Humas PKS antara lain yaitu PKS Foto, PKS TV, Relawan Digital, Relawan Literasi, PKS Art, dan pembuatan video pendek yang diiklankan. Faktor pendukung pemanfaatan media komunikasi yaitu SDM kader-kader PKS yang solid serta sumber dana yang mencukupi untuk menunjang pemanfaatan media komunikasi terutama media sosial dalam mengurangi stereotip negatif masyarakat terhadap PKS dan meningkatkan citra PKS DKI Jakarta.


2022 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Paatelainen ◽  
Elisa Kannasto ◽  
Pekka Isotalus

Political campaign communication has become increasingly hybrid and the ability to create synergies between older and newer media is now a prerequisite for running a successful campaign. Nevertheless, beyond establishing that parties and individual politicians use social media to gain visibility in traditional media, not much is known about how political actors use the hybrid media system in their campaign communication. At the same time, the personalization of politics, shown to have increased in the media coverage of politics, has gained little attention in the context of today’s hybrid media environment. In this research we analyze one aspect of hybrid media campaign communication, political actors’ use of traditional media in their social media campaign communication. Through a quantitative content analysis of the Facebook, Twitter and Instagram posts of Finnish parties and their leaders published during the 2019 Finnish parliamentary elections, we find that much of this hybridized campaign communication was personalized. In addition, we show that parties and their leaders used traditional media for multiple purposes, the most common of which was gaining positive visibility, pointing to strategic considerations. The results have implications for both the scholarship on hybrid media systems and personalization of politics.


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