MEANS OF SPEECH AGRESSIVENESS IN AN ELECTION CAMPAIGN

The article discusses means of expressing aggressiveness used in the newspaper “LDPR in Udmurtia” during election campaigns. Despite a large number of implicit means that politicians and journalists are equipped with, the newspaper demonstrates explicit means of speech aggressiveness. The style of the publications is a replica of speech manner of the LDPR leader. One of the major ways of expressing negative assessment of political opponents is conversational and colloquial vocabulary of deflated style. The authors of this media tend to use phraseology with non-normative connotation. Expressive means used by journalists tend to sound negative and aim to discredit the existing power. To demonstrate negative attitude to the government a variety of stylistic means are used including repetitions, gradation, rhetoric questions, rhetoric exclamations and addressing. In the newspaper of the opposition party ethical and linguistic norms are broken, negative information disclosing situation in the country tend to form readers’ sense of frustration.

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Byelorussian Nationalism and Western Russianism: the Problem of Confrontation

Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” ◽

10.24030/24092517-2020-0-2-161-168 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 58 ◽

pp. 161-168

Author(s):

Alexander D. Gronsky

Keyword(s):

19Th Century ◽

Political Representation ◽

National Policy ◽

Negative Attitude ◽

Great Patriotic War ◽

The Government ◽

The 19Th Century ◽

The Relationship

The article examines the relationship between Western Russianism (Zapadnorusizm) and Byelorussian nationalism. Byelorussian nationalism is much younger than Western Russianism, finally shaping only in the end of the 19th century. Before 1917 revolution Byelorussian nationalism could not compete with Western Russianism. The national policy of the Bolsheviks contributed to the decline of Western Russianism and helped Byelorussian nationalism to gain stronger positions. However, Byelorussian nationalists actively cooperated with the occupation authorities during the Great Patriotic war. That caused distinctly negative attitude of Byelorussians towards the movement and collaborators. Currently, Byelorussian nationalism is supported both by the opposition and by the government. Western Russianism has no political representation, but is supported by the majority of Byelorussian population.

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Are voters' views about proportional outcomes shaped by partisan preferences? A survey experiment in the context of a real election

Political Science Research and Methods ◽

10.1017/psrm.2021.24 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 1-7

Author(s):

André Blais ◽

Semra Sevi ◽

Carolina Plescia

Keyword(s):

Experimental Design ◽

Election Campaign ◽

Survey Experiment ◽

Federal Election ◽

Electoral Outcome ◽

Electoral Outcomes ◽

Percentage Points ◽

Ultimate Outcome ◽

The Government ◽

Performance Conditions

Abstract We examine citizens' evaluations of majoritarian and proportional electoral outcomes through an innovative experimental design. We ask respondents to react to six possible electoral outcomes during the 2019 Canadian federal election campaign. There are two treatments: the performance of the party and the proportionality of electoral outcomes. There are three performance conditions: the preferred party's vote share corresponds to vote intentions as reported in the polls at the time of the survey (the reference), or it gets 6 percentage points more (fewer) votes. There are two electoral outcome conditions: disproportional and proportional. We find that proportional outcomes are slightly preferred and that these preferences are partly conditional on partisan considerations. In the end, however, people focus on the ultimate outcome, that is, who is likely to form the government. People are happy when their party has a plurality of seats and is therefore likely to form the government, and relatively unhappy otherwise. We end with a discussion of the merits and limits of our research design.

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The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy

Orthodoxia ◽

10.53822/2712-9276-2021-1-1-111-124 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 111-124

Author(s):

F. A. Gayda

Keyword(s):

The State ◽

Election Campaign ◽

Difficult Situation ◽

The Public ◽

The Press ◽

History Of ◽

The Government ◽

The Russian Empire ◽

First Time ◽

The Church

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.

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A New Approach for Allocating a New Party's Budget during an Election Campaign

PCD Journal ◽

10.22146/pcd.v9i1.943 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 9 (1) ◽

pp. 23-45

Author(s):

Irit Talmor ◽

Osnat Osnat Akirav

Keyword(s):

Resource Allocation ◽

Election Campaign ◽

Pareto Principle ◽

Election Campaigns ◽

New Parties ◽

New Approach ◽

Confidential Data ◽

User Friendly ◽

Campaign Advertising

During pre-election campaigns, parties make great efforts to persuade constituents to vote for them. Usually, new parties have smaller budgets and fewer resources than veteran parties. Generally, the more heterogeneous the party’s electorate, the more critical the issue of resource allocation. This paper presents a method for new parties to efficiently allocate campaign advertising resources and maximise voters. The model developed uses the Pareto principle and multi-criteria approach, integrating the party’s confidential data together with official open-to-all data. We implemented the model on a specific new party during the intensive political period before the April 2019 elections in Israel, finding that the model produced clear and unbiased results, and this made it effective and user-friendly for strategy teams and campaign managers.

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Use of Charitable Alms (Zakat) by Incumbent Candidates in Regional Elections in Indonesia (Two Case Studies)

PCD Journal ◽

10.22146/pcd.31791 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 6 (1) ◽

pp. 61

Author(s):

Zusiana Elly Triantini ◽

Masnun Masnun

Keyword(s):

Case Studies ◽

Social Acceptance ◽

Election Campaigns ◽

Economic Resource ◽

The Government ◽

And Control ◽

Regional Elections ◽

Instrumental Approaches

This article seeks to expose incumbents' tendencies and strategies in using charitable alms (zakat) in regional elections in two areas. Strategies identified include determining binding regulations regarding the use of zakat money, as well as the positioning of persons considered loyal and strategic to incumbents within the leadership structures of zakat institutions. Meanwhile, incumbents worked to integrate and interconnect government programmes with local zakat distribution agencies and attracting public sympathies through the sharing of zakat funds. Incumbents benefit from their power and legitimacy, and can thus easily use zakat funds as an economic resource for gathering the support of zakat recipients (mustahiq[1]). With their power and legitimacy, incumbents are able to claim credit and thus enjoy greater popularity in their re-election campaigns. This power and legitimacy, as well as its benefits, are managed strategically and intelligently to avoid giving the impression of illegality and ease social acceptance. The findings of this research are opposite to those of Samantha May; where May has found that state dominance and control of zakat has met widespread resistance, this research has found that state dominance and control of zakat has not only been well-received by society, but has also had implications for politicians' role in zakat management and distribution. This research, conducted through observation and interviews with zakat distributors/recipients, indicates how clientelism is formed through the government zakat distribution agency (Badan Amil Zakat, 'Zakat Distribution Agency'), the structural/instrumental approaches used by incumbents, and the response of zakat recipients. This article takes two elections in two regions as case studies: Kulon Progo in the 2017 regional election and Magelang Regency in the 2013 regional election.

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Hungary: Orban’s atypical programme of solving the crisis

Medjunarodni problemi ◽

10.2298/medjp1102297d ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 63 (2) ◽

pp. 297-319

Author(s):

Misa Djurkovic

Keyword(s):

Economic Reform ◽

Economic Situation ◽

The Political ◽

Opposition Party ◽

Socialist Government ◽

Long Time ◽

The Government ◽

The Right

The article deals with the political and economic situation in Hungary in the last several years. The author firstly points to the causes of decline of influence of the previous socialist government and the heavy defeat of the socialists in the 2010 elections and the success of the right party Fidesz. After winning the elections, the Viktor Orban government started, at an accelerated rate, to implement the pre-election programme of Fidesz that had been prepared for a long time while it was an opposition party. The author is of the opinion that this programme is atypical, very radical and unique by many characteristics in the Europe of today. He points out that only a year after Fidesz victory the government and the parliament adopted quite a number of laws, a new Constitution and a set of risky measures of recovery that should lead to a substantial economic reform. The author particularly underlines the fact that the government decided to break of negotiation with IMF, reject its recommendations and try to overcome over-indebtedness by carrying out its own ideas.

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Free airtime of election committees in Poland compared with similar solutions in other countries. The attitude of Poles to free election broadcasts in the Polish public media

Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej ◽

10.36874/riesw.2020.1.12 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 18 (1) ◽

pp. 227-237

Author(s):

Agnieszka Łukasik-Turecka

Keyword(s):

Likert Scale ◽

Election Campaign ◽

Survey Questionnaire ◽

Election Campaigns ◽

Appropriate Use ◽

Research Results ◽

The Public ◽

Public Media ◽

Minderheitsregierung im Bund? Lehren zum Oppositionsverhalten aus Schweden

Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen ◽

10.5771/0340-1758-2021-1-141 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 52 (1) ◽

pp. 141-158

Author(s):

Melanie Müller ◽

Marcus Höreth

Keyword(s):

Party System ◽

Legislative Process ◽

Opposition Party ◽

Minority Government ◽

Adequate Understanding ◽

Alternative Function ◽

The Government ◽

German Bundestag ◽

Western Democracies ◽

Opposition Parties

Government stability in the German Bundestag is traditionally tied to a parliamentary majority and an opposition minority . Nonetheless, minority governments in other Western democracies show that, despite the lack of a parliamentary majority, they govern stable and effectively together with the opposition . In this article, on the Swedish case, we examine how opposition parties in parliament are involved in the legislative process in a minority government and what patterns they follow in order to maintain governmental stability without neglecting their alternative function . The paper combines theoretical and conceptual considerations on the adequate understanding of the opposition in the Federal Republic of Germany with empirical findings on cooperation and conflicts between opposition party groups and minority governments . The results show that opposition parties strategically switch between confrontational (Westminster-style) and consensual patterns of behavior (republican) . Through this flexible majority finding, opposition parties in parliament can alternately present themselves as policymakers or as an alternative counterpart to the government . This opposition behavior is functionally adequate under the conditions of a pluralized and fragmented party system and the resulting difficulties in forming a stable government majority .

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Indigenous Food Preservation and Management of Postharvest Losses Among the Akan of Ghana

Urban Agriculture and Food Systems ◽

10.4018/978-1-5225-8063-8.ch016 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 323-334

Author(s):

Kofi Quan-Baffour

Keyword(s):

Food Security ◽

Rural Areas ◽

Financial Support ◽

Negative Attitude ◽

Food Preservation ◽

Ethnographic Study ◽

Population Increase ◽

Postharvest Losses ◽

The Government ◽

European Markets

The rapid population increase has consequences on food security in Africa. The policies of the colonialists protected European markets and discouraged the growth of indigenous agro- industries in Africa. In Ghana much food is produced during the harvest seasons but greater part of it gets rotten due to lack of preservation or storage facilities. Despite the negative attitude of the colonialists towards local products indigenous food preservation continued unabated although limited to the aging population in the rural areas. The purpose of this chapter is to share the Akan heritage of indigenous food preservation as a strategy to manage postharvest losses and ensure food security and sustainable livelihoods. The chapter which emanated from an ethnographic study used interviews and observations for data collection. The study found that the Akan communities without agro-industries use their indigenous knowledge and skills to preserve food and create jobs. The chapter concluded that in this era of Africa's rebirth its people should utilize indigenous food processing skills to reduce postharvest losses and ensure food security. It was recommended that the government of Ghana should provide financial support to make indigenous agro-industries sustainable.

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Electing a Leader

Choosing a Prime Minister ◽

10.1093/oso/9780198859291.003.0004 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 89-112

Author(s):

Rodney Brazier

Keyword(s):

Political Parties ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Formal System ◽

Conservative Party ◽

General Election ◽

Opposition Party ◽

Leadership Elections ◽

The Government ◽

Jeremy Corbyn ◽

Theresa May

A person normally becomes Prime Minister either after winning a General Election, or after the Government party has elected a new leader to succeed a Prime Minister. Leadership of one of the main political parties is therefore a prerequisite for entering Number 10 Downing Street. This chapter examines exactly how the main parties have elected their leaders since 1902, setting the processes in their historical contexts, and explaining why the systems have been changed down the years. The Conservative Party did not have a formal system until after a major crisis in 1963; Labour has always elected its leader; but the systems which have been used have been altered for political reasons. Recent leadership elections, e.g. of Theresa May, Boris Johnson, and Jeremy Corbyn, are examined. The chapter also explains the ways in which an opposition party can get rid of a leader who doesn’t want to quit.

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