scholarly journals Can ordinary people seek environmental justice in Bangladesh?

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 15-34
Author(s):  
Md. Mizanur Rahman

The study's overarching objective was to identify the pitfalls and bottlenecks in ensuring environmental justice on an equal basis embedded in the existing legal, policy, and institutional framework. The environmental victims were examined, and the opinions of the line experts were garnered. The study revealed that ordinary people could not seek justice to the court directly for environmental damage due to bubbles in the legal and policy framework. The courts suffer from various challenges like fuzziness in the jurisdiction, lack of legal advisors, and workloads. On the other hand, the court has no power to take cognizance of an offense independently. The wealthy and influential polluters are reluctant to respect the law due to insufficient punishment prescribed by the statutes. The victims are rarely compensated, and there are a few options to resolve the dispute in alternative ways. The provision of legal aid for the poor and disadvantaged people is not much helpful. The public departments are stuck with a lack of logistics and human resources. The jurisdictional overlapping, underlapping, and conflict of interest among the departments worsen monitoring, control, surveillance (MCS), and effective coordination. The regulatory framework does not welcome the community in decision-making and natural resource management. Hence, the study recommends legal and institutional reform. Policy initiatives are warranted for effective environmental governance, green growth, campaign, and volunteerism.

Author(s):  
Olga Ulybina

This chapter discusses the effect of the concepts of environmental sustainability, ecological safety, and green growth on the state of the natural environment and the lives of the people in Russia. The chapter focuses on trends and cases in environmental pollution (air, forests, water, and soil), climate change, the energy sector, and the Arctic. Over the three post-Soviet decades, Russia has gone through many changes in environmental governance. The main environmental achievements concern increased energy efficiency and a reduction in the extent of industrial pollution. However, overall progress towards a greener society has been slow, hindered by the reliance of the national economy on natural resource extraction, political inertia, limited public environmental control, poor law enforcement, and insufficient respect for civil rights. We highlight the policy gap in the area of environmental justice and frame ‘green growth’ problems as ‘environmental justice’ problems.


2019 ◽  
pp. 91-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rostislav I. Kapeliushnikov

Using published estimates of inequality for two countries (Russia and USA) the paper demonstrates that inequality measuring still remains in the state of “statistical cacophony”. Under this condition, it seems at least untimely to pass categorical normative judgments and offer radical political advice for governments. Moreover, the mere practice to draw normative conclusions from quantitative data is ethically invalid since ordinary people (non-intellectuals) tend to evaluate wealth and incomes as admissible or inadmissible not on the basis of their size but basing on whether they were obtained under observance or violations of the rules of “fair play”. The paper concludes that a current large-scale ideological campaign of “struggle against inequality” has been unleashed by left-wing intellectuals in order to strengthen even more their discursive power over the public.


2021 ◽  
pp. 074171362110053
Author(s):  
Tracey Ollis

This case study research examines informal adult learning in the Lock the Gate Alliance, a campaign against mining for coal seam gas in Central Gippsland, Australia. In the field of the campaign, circumstantial activists learn to think critically about the environment, they learn informally and incidentally, through socialization with experienced activists from and through nonformal workshops provided by the Environmental Nongovernment Organization Friends of the Earth. This article uses Bourdieu’s “theory of practice,” to explore the mobilization of activists within the Lock the Gate Alliance field and the practices which generate knowledge and facilitate adult learning. These practices have enabled a diverse movement to educate the public and citizenry about the serious threat fracking poses to the environment, to their land and water supply. The movements successful practices have won a landmark moratorium on fracking for coal seam gas in the State of Victoria.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Milind Sathye ◽  
Biman Prasad ◽  
Dharmendra Sharma ◽  
Parmendra Sharma ◽  
Suneeta Sathye

While mobile phones are making significant inroads in many developing countries, little is known about the institutional drivers, policy barriers and industry challenges that affect their use for business growth of micro- enterprises. The authors address this gap. After conducting semi-structured interviews of 74 women-owned micro entrepreneurs and ten key informants from the government and industry in Fiji, the authors found that appropriate policy framework, supporting infrastructure and appropriate ecosystem are required for rapid uptake of mobile value added services by women-owned micro entrepreneurs. They contribute by proposing a revised technology adoption framework as well as the four shackles theory of women micro entrepreneurs' empowerment and emancipation. The authors also highlight the policy initiatives necessary to accelerate the growth of women-owned micro enterprises by mobile value added services which could also guide other developing and emerging economies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 107327482110415
Author(s):  
Marjetka Jelenc ◽  
Elisabete Weiderpass ◽  
Patricia Fitzpatrick ◽  
Tit Albreht

Introduction National Cancer Control Programmes (NCCPs) provide a country’s policy framework for the development of cancer control, focussing on the reduction of cancer morbidity and mortality and improving quality of life of cancer patients. Objective Exploring and analysing to which extent some of the key elements of the European Guide for Quality National Cancer Control Programmes (Guide) are implemented in NCCPs in the EU. Methods Survey carried out through 30 countries, EU members, Iceland, Montenegro, Norway and Turkey, focussing on stakeholders’ participation, inclusion of all the envisaged chapters from the Guide as well as implementation and dissemination. Results The results of the policy survey on European NCCPs carried out within Cancer Control Joint Action (CANCON JA) are presented. The response was 30 out of 35 countries. In total, 28 out of 30 countries, which completed the survey, had an NCCP or another cancer document. Cancer documents were mostly single documents, managed and supervised by the respective Ministries of Health and communicated to the public via websites and press. Nine documents were defined as programmes, eight as plans and six as strategies; in five countries, terminology was mixed. Regarding the content, recommended by the Guide from 2015, comprising ten chapter areas in three parts. Only 10 countries included in their NCCPs all elements suggested in the Guide. Conclusion Based on our results, we can see that a more comprehensive approach in the process of NCCPs is needed. Policy should focus on the development of instruments for efficient cancer management, which would encompass the entire trajectory of the cancer care from diagnosis to survivorship and supportive care.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter M. Shane

This critique of Karson K. Thompson’s note, "Not Like an Egyptian: Cybersecurity and the Internet Kill Switch Debate," argues that the U.S. lacks a framework of laws and regulations, "smart" or otherwise, that adequately incentivizes the parties with the greatest capacity to improve our cyber security to do so. It attributes the poor state of U.S. cyber policy to the "bewildering array of overlapping responsibilities" scattered among government offices and departments; the difficult imperative of sharing responsibility among military and civilian authorities; the fact that most of the networks (and the dependent critical infrastructures) that need protecting are in private hands; and the lack of public understanding of the kinds of regulation that are necessary or appropriate. The essay argues that meaningful progress towards an adequate legal framework depends on a broad national debate aimed at defining the public good with regard to cyber-security, and the inevitable trade-offs among security, privacy, productivity, economic growth, organizational flexibility, military effectiveness, government transparency, and accountability that must be confronted in making sensible cyber-security policy.


Author(s):  
Waluyo Zulfikar ◽  
Ipah Ema Jumiati

Bekasi Regency is the area with the largest industrial area in Southeast Asia, where there are 16 industrial areas with relatively large land area. In addition, there are also seven large industrial zones or industrial zones on an international scale, in line with this, the problem of public service delivery in the Bekasi District Government must be carried out properly to the public. In optimizing the public services, various innovative ideas and ideas are needed to create synergy and efficiency in the provision of these public services. In this study, the innovation system is a unified component that influences the direction of development and speed of innovation, diffusion, and learning processes in the development, mastery, advancement and application/utilization of science and technology. How sub-subsystems (elements / factors) play their roles, their interrelations (including policy coherence), and the dynamics of their interactions determine or influence the dynamic performance of innovation systems. Strengthening the innovation system means structuring the system (holistic, simultaneous, systemic issues) in a structured way. In a policy perspective, strengthening innovation systems means remedial steps that need to be directed to address systemic failures. Therefore, policy strategies need to be developed as a unified innovation policy framework (KKI) to strengthen the system.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 187
Author(s):  
Rahmad Hidayat

This article aims to show how the social movement was conducted in the framework of claiming a number of aspects of citizenship, especially environmental rights and political participation, to the local government. The refusal of FRAT Bima over the extractive policy of the Government of Bima District during 2011-2012 becomes a reflective context of the type of social movement with such a framework. This social protest should be explored further because it used acts of vandalism on some public facilities as the chosen way to fight against the environmental and political injustices. Through a case study, the author aims to explore the sequence of repertoires which were applied sequentially by FRAT Bima’s social protest as well as to examine its linkage with environmental citizenship and public distrust. Despite being closely related to citizens' awareness about environmental citizenship, the occurrence of this anarchist movement was also triggered by the low level of "formal legitimacy" of the local government as a seed of public distrust towards the intentions of environmental governance policy that was about to be applied to make the agricultural land owned by villagers as the site of a certain project of mineral extraction. The lack of the government’s formal legitimacy, which was supported by the growing awareness of environmental citizenship, has led the sequential application of conventional and non-conventional strategies in the demands articulation of FRAT Bima. This sequence of repertoires was held due to the low-level of government's responsiveness in accommodating the public claims about the cancellation of an undemocratic environmental policy.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Megan Paish

<p>The objective of this thesis is to identify how criminalisation by mainstream media, police, politicians, ‘the public’ and court processes affected green activists, with specific reference to the Terror Raids of October 2007. Drawing on media analysis - covering news articles from 15 October 2007 to 15 November 2007, and 1 January 2017 to 31 July 2018 - and semi-structured interviews with eight participants (all green activists, two of whom were arrested in the Terror Raids), this research explores the issues of colonisation, activism, criminalisation, and resistance to criminalisation in detail.   The research concludes that state agents and mainstream media contributed to a ‘blanket criminalisation’ of activists in the Terror Raids and that this criminalisation had significantly detrimental effects on the activists, whānau , and wider groups. This intense criminalisation was produced as a result of activists being labelled as ‘terrorists’. As a result, the Raids represented an evolution in the criminalisation of green activists in Aotearoa - from inconsistent forms of criminalisation (in which previous criminalising narratives had been joined by narratives relating to democratic freedom and environmental justice) to the application of intense criminalisation by the state and mainstream media of all activists in the Raids. This research demonstrates, therefore, the power of labelling. However, this thesis also identifies the power of green activism and the resilience of campaigners to this intense criminalisation. It emphasises that resistance can survive even when confronted by intense criminalisation and state violence. It concludes by emphasising the significant contributions green activists make to the environmental well-being of Aotearoa and to the international environmental justice movement.</p>


Author(s):  
Daniel Butt

This chapter examines the limitations of both command-and-control and market-based legal mechanisms in the pursuit of environmental justice. If the environment is to be protected to at least a minimally acceptable degree, approaches that focus on the coercive force of the state must be complemented by the development of an “ecological ethos,” whereby groups and individuals are motivated to act with non-self-interested concern for the environment. The need for this ethos means that the state is dependent on the cooperation of a wide range of non-state actors. Recent work on environmental governance emphasizes the delegation of aspects of governing to such actors and supports efforts to increase popular participation in governmental processes. The chapter therefore advocates a governance approach that seeks to rectify some of the limitations of state-led environmental law, while encouraging popular participation in a way that can encourage the development of an ecological ethos among the citizenry.


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