scholarly journals Los flagelos de la paz: paradojas de la experiencia colombiana / The scourges of peace: Paradoxes of the Colombian experience

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-29
Author(s):  
Patricia Martínez Coral

ABSTRACTThis article describes how the discursive intensity of peace has implemented in Colombia the agreement signed between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP), for the end of the armed conflict, despite the popular rejection that it received in the plebiscite convened for the text's endorsement, with delicate implications for the country's governability. In this sense, the reconstruction of the Colombian context is analyzed through central elements of political philosophy about the dynamics of cohesion and the breakdown of the political order.RESUMENEl presente artículo expone cómo la intensidad discursiva de la paz ha instrumentado en Colombia, la imposición del acuerdo suscrito entre el gobierno y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia FARC-EP-, para la desmovilización y reincorporación de este grupo a la vida civil, pese al rechazo popular que recibió en la jornada de plebiscito, convocada para la refrendación del texto, con delicadas implicaciones para la gobernabilidad del país. En tal sentido, la reconstrucción de este contexto se somete a un análisis fundamentado en elementos centrales de la filosofía política, acerca de las dinámicas de cohesión y ruptura del orden político.

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oscar V. Bautista-Cespedes ◽  
Louise Willemen ◽  
Augusto Castro-Nunez ◽  
Thomas A. Groen

AbstractThe Amazon rainforest covers roughly 40% of Colombia’s territory and has important global ecological functions. For more than 50 years, an internal war in the country has shaped this region. Peace negotiations between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) initiated in 2012 resulted in a progressive de-escalation of violence and a complete ceasefire in 2016. This study explores the role of different deforestation drivers including armed conflict variables, in explaining deforestation for three periods between 2001 and 2015. Iterative regression analyses were carried out for two spatial extents: the entire Colombian Amazon and a subset area which was most affected by deforestation. The results show that conflict variables have positive relationships with deforestation; yet, they are not among the main variables explaining deforestation. Accessibility and biophysical variables explain more variation. Nevertheless, conflict variables show divergent influence on deforestation depending on the period and scale of analysis. Based on these results, we develop deforestation risk maps to inform the design of forest conservation efforts in the post-conflict period.


2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúúl Beníítez Manaut ◽  
Andrew Selee ◽  
Cynthia J. Arnson

Mexico's democratic transition has helped reduce, if not eliminate, the threat of renewed armed conflict in Chiapas. However, absent more active measures from the government and the Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) to seek a permanent peace agreement and come to terms with the legacies of the past, the conflict will linger on in an unstable déétente, which we term ““armed peace.”” While this situation is far better than the open hostilities of the past, it also belies the promise of a fully democratic society in which all citizens are equally included in the political process. La transicióón democráática en Mééxico ha contribuido a reducir, si no eliminar, la posibilidad de que el conflicto armado en Chiapas se reanude. Sin embargo, sin esfuerzos mas activos por parte del gobierno y del Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) para buscar un acuerdo de paz permanente y saldar cuentas con el pasado, el conflicto permaneceráá en un estado inestable que llamamos ““paz armada””. Aunque esta situacióón es mucho mejor que las tensiones y agresiones del pasado, no cumple los requisitos de una sociedad plenamente democráática en que todos los ciudadanos participan en condiciones de igualdad en el proceso políítico.


Author(s):  
Y. S. Kudryashova

During the government of AK Party army leaders underprivileged to act as an exclusive guarantor preserving a secular regime in the country. The political balance between Secular and Islamite elites was essentially removed after Erdogan was elected Turkish President. Consistently toughening authoritarian regime of a ruling party deeply accounts for a military coup attempt and earlier periodically occurred disturbance especially among the young. The methods of a coup showed the profundity of a split and the lack of cohesion in Turkish armed forces. Erdogan made the best use of a coup attempt’s opportunities to concentrate all power in his hands and to consolidate a present regime. The mass support of the population during a coup attempt ensured opportunities for a fundamental reorganization of a political system. Revamped Constitution at most increases political powers of the President.


Significance After releasing 1 billion dollars in April, the IMF is urging Ukraine to implement land and pension reforms to make it eligible for further lending tranches. The government is finding it hard to pursue controversial changes opposed by many voters and taken up as causes by the political opposition. Gontareva's resignation reflects a lack of government support and is a setback for the reformist camp. Impacts The 'economic war' emerging alongside armed conflict in the east will dent prospects for growth and reform. Failure to secure further IMF financing could accelerate the planned return to international capital markets, perhaps in the third quarter. Attempts to push through reforms such as land sales may lead to increased political strife but not a full-blown political crisis.


Significance On the basis of exit polls and preliminary rapid counts, the MAS has clearly suffered an electoral reverse. However, in line with previous sub-national elections, this reflects the problem the party has in selecting sufficient candidates at that level who command widespread support. For the opposition, the election represented something of a recovery from its poor showing in last October's presidential and legislative elections. Impacts Demographic trends will further underline the political and economic strength of Santa Cruz vis-a-vis La Paz. The downturn in natural gas prices will mean that the government will have less money to redistribute to sub-national tiers of government. Costas has reaffirmed his position as Morales's chief political foe, but his appeal beyond Santa Cruz is limited.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-181
Author(s):  
Nandita Haksar

This article argues that although Irom Sharmila’s 16-year-old fast from November 2000 to August 2016 has earned her the status of an icon of non-violent protest, yet she did not seek these appellations; her only aim was to put moral pressure on the government to repeal the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958. The article seeks to assess the efficacy of Irom Sharmila’s protest and how far it has helped or hindered in mobilizing public opinion against the Act. It propounds that the publicity around Irom Sharmila put her on a pedestal and trapped her in her own image, made invisible entire histories of sufferings of people in the northeast, including Manipur, and their struggles against the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. The gains of many struggles and efforts were wiped out of the collective memory of the nation and the only image of Manipur was this frail woman with a tube hanging from her nose. The article also argues that there is a kind of fetish in the way the media celebrates non-violence without reference to the political context.


2009 ◽  
Vol 91 (873) ◽  
pp. 143-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew J. Carswell

AbstractModern armed forces are employed in a wide array of operations that range from peacetime riot control to outright international armed conflict. Classifying these various scenarios to determine the applicable international law is rendered difficult by both the lack of clarity inherent in the law and the political factors that tend to enter the decision-making process. The author describes the major challenges of legal classification facing the military leadership, and proposes a solution to ensure that the intended beneficiaries of the law – from soldiers to civilians – do indeed receive its protection.


1994 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 637-651
Author(s):  
Roger Williams

It Was In 1962 In The Man on horseback, A Book which has long since become a classic, that S. E. Finer drew attention to a class of country in which the government was repeatedly subject to the interference of its armed forces: the military, he noted ‘as an independent political force, constitutes a distinct and peculiar political phenomenon’. Beginning from the political strengths and weaknesses of the military, his analysis addressed the disposition of the military to intervene in politics and its opportunities for doing so, and he brought out the different forms such intervention could take and the different levels to which it could be pressed. In effect, he also turned on its head a prevailing if tacit assumption. Given their ‘vastly superior organization’ and their arms, it seemed to him that ‘Instead of asking why the military engage in politics, we Ought surely ask why they ever do otherwise’.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 148-154
Author(s):  
Fazel Asadi Amjad ◽  
Kamran Ahmadgoli ◽  
Saman Sadr

This study is an attempt at reading Jack Kerouac’s “The Subterraneans” in the light of the theory of Michel Foucault. “The Subterraneans”, written in 1958, grapples with the life of Leo, the alter ego of Jack Kerouac himself. The actions and interactions of its main characters, Leo Percepied and Mardou Fox, are observed and analyzed, focusing on the political philosophy of Foucault, specifically his conceptions of power, power relations, institutions, and surveillance to shed light on the ideas of Kerouac, the spokesperson of the Beat Generation. Kerouac’s novel represents the spirit of the age of a people who sought change, difference, and disobedience; the main characters are antiheroes who challenge their prisonlike structure of the society. In contrast, the government has the upper hand by means of its distinct and overlapping institutions that not only neutralize such acts or resistances but make normal and ordinary those individuals who were themselves the promoters and examples of abnormality. Jack Kerouac’s “The Subterraneans” is characterized by unfreedom, obedience, unthinking men, individuals without individuality, and disillusionment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 97 (2) ◽  
pp. 123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tania Galaviz Armenta

ResumenEl artículo analiza la interacción entre la Justicia Transicional y las Infraestructuras para la Paz. Para ello, se presentan algunas de las características del conflicto armado y los procesos de negociación con las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia durante el periodo 1982-2016, así como los antecedentes de la Justicia Transicional en dicho país. Además, se examinan las Infraestructuras para la paz, entendidas como mecanismos que generan dinámicas de interdependencia entre distintos grupos sociales para la construcción de paz. Derivado de un análisis documental se concluye que, en el caso colombiano, la Justicia Transicional interactúa con las Infraestructuras para la Paz al vincular el cumplimiento de las sanciones restaurativas con las acciones para el desarrollo territorial comunitario realizadas desde los Comités Locales de Paz.Palabras clave: Construcción de paz, Víctimas, Participación social, Conflicto armado, FARC Infrastructures for Peace and Transitional Justice in Colombia AbstractThe article analyzes Colombia’s interaction between its Transitional Justice and its Infrastructures for Peace.  For this purpose, the article presents some of the characteristics of the armed conflict and negotiation processes associated to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia during the period 1982-2016 along with the country’s Transitional Justice background. In addition, itexamines the Infrastructures for Peace, understood as mechanisms that generate interdependence dynamics between different social groups for peacebuilding. From a documentary analysis, it is concluded that Colombian Transitional Justice interacts with its Infrastructures for Peace by connecting the compliance of restorative sanctions to the actions for the community territorial development carried out by Local Peace Committees.Key Words: Peacebuilding, Victims, Social participation, armed conflict, FARC  Acerca del proceso editorial y sus publicaciones la revista Reflexiones utiliza la licencia Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0)


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