Memory as a Security Policy

2019 ◽  
pp. 50-77
Author(s):  
Monika Gabriela Bartoszewicz
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Theoretical Foundation ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Institutional Arrangement ◽  
State Policies ◽  
Ontological Security ◽  
Politics Of Memory ◽  
Self Identity ◽  
Security Behavior ◽  
Group Self

The intersectionality of nationalism, memory, and securitized identity narrative rendered the politics of memory and the history politics with particular importance. The following chapter tackles the issue of memory and history politics through the lenses of the ontological security theory used as a framework for understanding state policies in the sphere of security perception and behaviors. For the purposes of this chapter, the history politics is understood as a construction of a binding historical memory by organizing history in a particular narrative constructs that help to develop and/or maintain a salient group self-identity. After having delineated the theoretical foundation, the interaction between security and managed historical memory is in its political, institutional, and discursive aspect will be explored. The three interrelated factors important in ontological security behavior—1) discourse frames, 2) institutional arrangement, and 3) policies—will be analyzed in the Polish context.

scholarly journals Music education in China: In search of social harmony and Chinese nationalism

2011 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wing-Wah Law ◽  
Wai-Chung Ho
Keyword(s):  
Music Education ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Historical Review ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Social Harmony ◽  
Politics Of Memory ◽  
Chinese Nationalism ◽  
Chinese Music ◽  
School Music ◽  
Education In China

This article critically examines how interactions between social changes, social harmony, and historical memory shape school music education in China. As a historical review and documentary analysis, it traces the historical development of music education and examines the Chinese government's role in such interactions over time. The article argues that the Chinese government uses music and music education as an influential nation-building system to enrich the politics of memory. In particular, it adapts the nation's past for political ends, and passes on state-prescribed values to its citizens with a view to legitimising its power. The dynamics and dilemmas that challenge school education result from two divergent aims: (1) to combine the functional education of Confucianism and nationalism so as to encourage social harmony and maintain national myths; and (2) to encourage popular and other world music with traditional Chinese music by using multicultural teaching strategies in music lessons. The question remains how to balance ideas of social harmony, musical cultures and nationalism in school music education in the contexts of current Chinese education policies, teacher education and the globally oriented economics of China today.

Populism and Memory: Legislation of the Past in Poland, Ukraine, and Russia

2021 ◽  
pp. 088832542095080
Author(s):  
Nikolay Koposov
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Crimes Against Humanity ◽  
National Narratives ◽  
Politics Of Memory ◽  
Democratic Culture ◽  
The Past ◽  
Initial Stage ◽  
The Holocaust

This article belongs to the special cluster “Here to Stay: The Politics of History in Eastern Europe”, guest-edited by Félix Krawatzek & George Soroka. The rise of historical memory, which began in the 1970s and 1980s, has made the past an increasingly important soft-power resource. At its initial stage, the rise of memory contributed to the decay of self-congratulatory national narratives and to the formation of a “cosmopolitan” memory centered on the Holocaust and other crimes against humanity and informed by the notion of state repentance for the wrongdoings of the past. Laws criminalizing the denial of these crimes, which were adopted in “old” continental democracies in the 1980s and 1990s, were a characteristic expression of this democratic culture of memory. However, with the rise of national populism and the formation of the authoritarian or semi-authoritarian regimes in Russia, Turkey, Hungary, and Poland in the 2000s and 2010s, the politics of memory has taken a significantly different turn. National populists are remarkably persistent in whitewashing their countries’ history and using it to promote nationalist mobilization. This process has manifested itself in the formation of new types of memory laws, which shift the blame for historical injustices to other countries (the 1998 Polish, the 2000 Czech, the 2010 Lithuanian, the June 2010 Hungarian, and the 2014 Latvian statutes) and, in some cases, openly protect the memory of the perpetrators of crimes against humanity (the 2005 Turkish, the 2014 Russian, the 2015 Ukrainian, the 2006 and the 2018 Polish enactments). The article examines Russian, Polish, and Ukrainian legislation regarding the past that demonstrates the current linkage between populism and memory.

scholarly journals National narration and Politics of Memory in post-socialist Georgia

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-240
Author(s):  
Salome Dundua ◽  
Tamar Karaia ◽  
Zviad Abashidze
Keyword(s):  
Historical Memory ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
State Building ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Politics Of Memory ◽  
Memory Politics ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
Future State ◽  
Building Process ◽  
The Rose

Abstract The article is dedicated to analyse the politics of so called “historical memory” during the state-building and nation-building process in post-socialist Georgia After the Rose Revolution 2003, the new government that aimed at building the “new Georgia,” implementing radical changes in many key spheres, including institutions, readdressing the totalitarian past, faced number of problematic manifestations in political and cultural life in this post-Soviet country. The “politics of memory” became one of the key factors of reconstructing of “new, democratic, western Georgia”. This process can be evaluated as leading toward state nationalism. Analyzing the politics of memory, symbolism is the most notable attitude and that is why former President Mikheil Saakashvili used commemorative ceremonies continuously. The authors argue in favour of approach, that the so called “memory politics” is the integral part of one’s legitimacy building, but at the same time, it can be used as tool for reconsidering of Polity’s future and mobilization of population under the “citizenship” umbrella towards the strong loyalty to the actual and future state-building.

scholarly journals The Politics of Russian Memory: The Great War in the European Context

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-235
Author(s):  
Olga S. Porshneva
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
Great War ◽  
World War ◽  
Politics Of Memory ◽  
Red Army ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Great War

This article examines how the historical memory of World War I emerged and developed in Russia, and also compares it to how Europeans have thought about the conflict. The author argues that the politics of memory differed during the Soviet and post-Soviet periods. In the wake of the 1917 Revolution, Bolshevik efforts to re-format the memory of the Great War were part of its attempt to create a new society and new man. At the same time, the regime used it to mobilize society for the impending conflict with the 'imperialist' powers. The key actors that sought to inculcate the notion of the war with imperialism into Soviet mass consciousness were the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Communist Party, the Department of Agitation and Propaganda, and, in particular, the Red Army and Comintern. The latter two worked together to organize the major campaigns dedicated to war anniversaries, which were important both to reinforce the concept of imperialist war as well as to involve the masses in public commemorations, rituals and practices. The Soviet state also relied on organizations of war veterans to promote such commemorative practices while suppressing any alternative narratives. The article goes on to explain how, under Stalin, the government began to change the way it portrayed the Great War in the mid-1930s. And after the Second World War, Soviet politics of memory differed greatly from those in the West. In the USSR the Great Patriotic War was sacralized, while the earlier conflict remained a symbol of unjust imperialist wars.

The Cultural Foundation of Information Security Behavior

2021 ◽  
pp. 522-545
Author(s):  
Canchu Lin ◽  
Anand S. Kunnathur ◽  
Long Li
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Culture ◽  
Information Security ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Behavior Control ◽  
Policy Compliance ◽  
Information Security Policy ◽  
Information Security Behavior ◽  
Security Behavior ◽  
Information Security Policy Compliance ◽  
Security Policy Compliance

Past behavior research overwhelmingly focused on information security policy compliance and under explored the role of organizational context in shaping information security behaviors. To address this research gap, this study integrated two threads of literature: organizational culture, and information security behavior control, and proposed a framework that integrates mid-range theories used in empirical research, connects them to organizational culture, and predicts its role in information security behavior control. Consistent with the cultural-fit perspective, this framework shows that information security policy compliance fits hierarchical culture and the approach of promoting positive, proactive, and emerging information security behaviors fits participative culture. Contributions and practical implications of this framework, together with future research directions, are discussed.

Ontological security and the power of self-identity: British neutrality and the American Civil War

2005 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 519-540 ◽  
Author(s):  
BRENT J STEELE
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
International Relations ◽  
American Civil War ◽  
Ontological Security ◽  
Self Identity ◽  
Alternative Framework ◽  
Ir Studies ◽  
Emancipation Proclamation ◽  
The Impact

Why did Great Britain remain neutral during the American Civil War? Although several historical arguments have been put forth, few studies have explicitly used International Relations (IR) theories to understand this decision. Synthesising a discursive approach with an ontological security interpretation, I propose an alternative framework for understanding security-seeking behaviour and threats to identity. I assess the impact Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation had upon the interventionist debates in Great Britain. I argue that the Proclamation reframed interventionist debates, thus (re)engendering the British anxiety over slavery and removing intervention as a viable policy. I conclude by proposing several issues relevant to using an ontological security interpretation in future IR studies.

scholarly journals (Re-)imagining the ‘Self’ of Ontological Security: The Case of Brazil’s Ambivalent Postcolonial Subjectivity

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco A. Vieira
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Mirror Image ◽  
The Self ◽  
Ontological Security ◽  
Self Identity ◽  
Self In Relation ◽  
Postcolonial State ◽  
Alternative Approach ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Postcolonial States

In this article, I critically engage with and develop an alternative approach to ontological security informed by Jacques Lacan’s theory of the subject. I argue that ontological security relates to a lack; that is, the always frustrated desire to provide meaningful discursive interpretations to one’s self. This lack is generative of anxiety which functions as the subject’s affective and necessary drive to a continuous, albeit elusive, pursuit of self-coherence. I theorise subjectivity in Lacanian terms as fantasised discursive articulations of the Self in relation to an idealised mirror-image other. The focus on postcolonial states’ subjectivity allows for the examination of the anxiety-driven lack generated by the ever-present desire to emulate but also resist the Western other. I propose, therefore, to explore the theoretical assertion that postcolonial ontological security refers to the institutionalisation and discursive articulation of enduring and anxiety-driven affective traces related to these states’ colonial pasts that are still active and influence current foreign policy practices. I illustrate the force of this interpretation of ontological security by focusing on Brazil as an example of a postcolonial state coping with the lack caused by its ambivalent/hybrid self-identity.

scholarly journals COUNTERDISCURSIVE ARTISTIC STRATEGIES OF UKRAINIAN ROMANTICISM

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (11(79)) ◽  
pp. 159-162
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Kyrylchuk
Keyword(s):  
Historical Memory ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
The Other ◽  
Romantic Literature ◽  
Value System ◽  
Self Identity ◽  
Romantic Poetry ◽  
National Life ◽  
Cultural Code ◽  
The Military

In Ukrainian romantic literature of the 1830s and 1840s, the authors turned their attention to folk art and historical themes. This aesthetic orientation of writing allowed the creation of texts that revealed aspects of the national life of Ukrainians. Romantic poets sought to artistically comprehend the Ukrainian past, to bring it out of oblivion, which was to help restore the historical memory of society and form a model of national self-identity. The ethnocultural identity, articulated in the texts of the Romantics, challenged the Russian imperial narrative, which sought to marginalize the Ukrainian value system by assimilating it with metropolitan axiology. Romantic literature of the first half of the nineteenth century created a powerful counterdiscursive strategy, which later transformed from the sphere of culture into the socio-political plane. The anti-colonial tendency introduces military symbols into romantic literature, as the appeal to the Cossack heritage actualizes in the Ukrainian cultural code markers of knightly victory and armed defence of the homeland. Romantic poets of the 1830s and 1840s transferred folklore and baroque chronicle imagery to written literature, in which the figures of the Cossacks were often heroized and glorified. Cossack military images allow Ukrainian authors to praise the pre-colonial period and poetize their military might, which, although in literary projection, opposes the oppressor. In the conditions of the Russian imperial discourse, the Ukrainian romantics resorted to the latent challenge to the metropolis, in the image of the enemy depicting the Poles, traditional opponents of the Cossacks. Such a strategy allows us to oppose the imperial narrative not directly, but through intermediaries, which are the Poles. At the same time, along with the military theme, the poetry of the Romantics includes the rhetoric of cruelty, which formats the Ukrainian world, dividing it into “Friends” and “Foes”. In general, the atmosphere of violence that often accompanies the image of the Other in romantic poetry allows us to represent the colonial trauma of the Ukrainian community, as acts of violence are interpreted as “just revenge” on enemies. At the same time, the glorification of one’s cruelty is an attempt to imitate the power of imperial discourse, which always labels such actions as a forced measure to subdue savages or preserve the achievements of civilization. The Ukrainian counterdiscursive strategy in the literature of Romanticism appears as an attempt to oppose and at the same time imitate metropolitan models.

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