The political agent as anthropologist

2004 ◽  
pp. 160-166
Pakistan ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 117-130
Author(s):  
Mariam Abou Zahab

This chapter discusses the change in the sociology and patterns of leadership in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) since the arrival of al-Qaeda in the area after 9/11. It focuses on South Waziristan which has become the hub of al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and the Uzbeks, among other foreign jihadis. The chapter argues that the Talibanization of Waziristan might be analyzed as the outcome of a social movement among the Wazir tribesmen which started in the 1970s and was accelerated in the post-9/11 context. It analyzes the emergence of “tribal entrepreneurs” who took advantage of the change in political opportunities and their access to resources in order to challenge the traditional tribal leadership. It also describes the movement of the kashars against the mashars and the Political Agent.


Author(s):  
T. N. Zagorodnikova ◽  

From the very beginning of his adulthood Basil Oskarovitch von Klemm dreamed of the diplomatic career in the Orient. So he graduated from Lazarev Institute of Oriental Languages and after that from Training Department for Oriental Languages affiliated to the Asiatic Department of Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In summer of 1885 he began working in that Department and after a year was send to Bukhara Emirate to work as an interpreter in Russian Imperial Political Agency. The article concentrates on the beginning of Basil Oskarovitch von Klemm’s service in Central Asia, when he studied the traditional life of the Emirate and of the Emir’s court, the details and peculiarities of Oriental diplomacy, as well as etiquette, being the dragoman of the Agency in Bukhara Emirate. He acted instead of the Political Agent, when the latter was absent. The Attachment to the article contains the Report of B. O. von Klemm, where he analyzes the highly charged political situation in Bukhara and gives his recommendations on the ways to stabilize it and to deal with the ruler of the Emirate in order to appease him. The document shows the difference between the views of Russian Empire towards her vassal state and the views of Great Britain towards India.


Author(s):  
Nigel Smith

This chapter investigates Marvell’s poetry in the context of three aspects of seventeenth-century European poetry and in light of Marvell’s own connections with the continental Europe of his lifetime, and his interest in European literature in Latin and the vernacular languages. The chapter argues that our understanding of Marvell is far better served by regarding his enterprises as poet, prose writer, and political agent as a part of the particular literary power relationships and the political role of literature that pertained in continental Europe, in many ways differing from English situations. Topics discussed include the patronage and veneration of European poets, the cross-lingual arenas of poetic contest in times of international conflict, and the broader significance of the appeal to Marvell of European poetry, exemplified in the case of the Spanish poet Luis de Góngora y Argote.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Franks

This chapter identifies some of the conceptual problems in providing a stable, inclusive interpretation of anarchism. It rejects accounts of anarchism constructed on the supposed universal minimum of ‘anti-statism’, as these synthesize radically antipathetic movements, in particular free-market individualisms along with the main socialist variants of anarchist communism and syndicalism. These purportedly comprehensive versions overlook the distinctive conceptual arrangements of social and individualist anarchisms. These separate ideological forms support radically different practices and generate conflicting interpretations of ‘anti-statism’. Instead, a conceptual analytical approach is best suited to identifying stable, intersecting families of anarchism (such as Green anarchism, anarcha-feminism and post-anarchism), as this method is sensitive to the malleable and variable conception of the political agent, which is a feature of the main constellations of social anarchism.


2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. 837-850 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ofer Parchev

1990 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 524-552
Author(s):  
Fred Dallmayr

Recent literature on Heidegger concentrates heavily on his (temporary) involvement in or collusion with Nazi ideology and policies. Without belittling the gravity of the issue, this article shifts the focus somewhat by invoking a distinction which recently has emerged (or reemerged) in political thought: namely, the distinction between “politics” and “the political” or between politics viewed as partisan ideology or policy making, on the one hand, and politics seen as regime or paradigmatic framework, on the other. The main thesis of the article is that Heidegger's promising contributions to political theory are located on the level of ontology or paradigmatic framework rather than that of ideological partisanship. While not neglecting the dismal intrusions of the latter plane, the article probes Heideggerian cues for a “rethinking of the political” by placing the accent on four topical areas: first, the status of the subject or individual as political agent; second, the character of the political community, that is, of the polity or (in modern terms) the “state”; thirdly, the issue of cultural and political development or modernization; and finally, the problem of an emerging cosmopolis or world order beyond the confines of Western culture. In discussing these topics, an effort is made to disentangle Heidegger from possible misinterpretations and to indicate how, in each area, his thought pointed in the direction of an “overcoming” of Western political metaphysics.


Author(s):  
L.E. Bliakher ◽  
A.V. Kovalevsky

The Khabarovsk protest has been going on for months: first, it suddenly made headlines of the world media and then it was pushed to the periphery of the information space. The predictions about the protest fading away stubbornly refuse to come true. Maybe not tens of thousands as it was earlier, but thousands of city residents still take to the streets. Moreover, tension, uncertainty, and discontent persist in the air. Dozens of articles and many reports have been written about Khabarovsk, and even a full-length docu mentary has been released. Nevertheless, the question remains: why did the population of the city, who for decades preferred to distance themselves from any government’s initiatives, all of a sudden switched to a strategy of protest? What part of this situation is unique to Khabarovsk, and where do we observe more general patterns? This article is devoted to finding answers to these questions. Having examined the main facets of the events unfolding in Khabarovsk, L.Bliakher and A.Kovalevsky come to the conclusion that these events are about the most important political phenomenon — formation of the political agency of the population that for many years has been reduced to the position of an object. In the case of Khabarovsk, residents started to perceive themselves as a political agent after the 2018 protest voting. In this situation, people began to view the ex-governor of the Khabarovsk region not so much as a good — or not very good — leader, but rather as a symbol of acquiring political agency, which became a key element of regional identification, formation of the local community. That is why his arrest was perceived by the residents of the region as a personal insult. And it is their identity that they defend on the streets of Khabarovsk.


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