scholarly journals Monarchy, Democracy and Private Property Order How Human Rights Have Been Violated and How to Protect Them A Response to Hans H Hoppe, F A Hayek, and Elinor Ostrom

2019 ◽  
pp. 177-212
Author(s):  
Patrick Reimers

World War I can be seen as a crucial turning point in world history, leading to a transition from monarchical rule to democratic states, in particular in Europe. Since then, the concept of a representative democracy with a com- prehensive welfare state and high public expenditure quota has been thor- oughly implemented in almost all European countries. Moreover, despite the collapse of the Soviet union, the disastrous results of former fascist governments, and the current economic and political situation in countries like Venezuela, a vast majority of Europeans still seem to consider a “strong” and omnipresent government as crucial to guarantee freedom and a ‘rule of law’. The economist Hoppe strongly questions this status quo, believing that even monarchies could be more sustainable than current democracies and stating that ultimately a “private property order”, based on anarcho-capitalism, would be the best solution. By strongly questioning not only the concept of current welfare state democracies, but also by rejecting the concepts of monarchy and anarcho-cap- italism, we intend to find alternatives to protect human rights, freedom and eco- nomic prosperity, which are based on the ideas of F.A. von Hayek, Michael Polanyi, Elinor Ostrom and other liberal and libertarian thinkers. Keywords: democracy, monarchy, private property order, Hoppe, Hayek, human rights. JEL Classification: A12, B10, B13, B25, H10 Resumen: La primera guerra mundial puede ser considerada un punto de inflex- ión crucial en la historia mundial, iniciando la transición de gobiernos monárqui- cos hacía los estados democráticos, particularmente en Europa. Desde entonces, el concepto de la democracia representativa con un estado de bie- nestar integral y una alta cuota de gasto público se ha implementado exhaus- tivamente en casi todos los países europeos. Además, a pesar del colapso de la Unión Soviética, de los resultados desastrosos de los antiguos gobiernos fas- cistas y a pesar de la situación económica y política actual en países como Cuba, Corea del Norte y Venezuela, una gran mayoría de los europeos todavía parece considerar a un gobierno “fuerte” y omnipresente como crucial para garantizar la libertad y el ‘estado de derecho’. El economista H. Hoppe cuestiona fuertemente este status quo, creyendo que incluso las monarquías podrían ser más sostenibles que las democracias actuales y declara que, en última instancia, un “orden de propiedad privada”, basado en el anarcocapi- talismo, sería la mejor solución. Al cuestionar enérgicamente no sólo el con- cepto del estado de bienestar democrático sino también los conceptos de monarquía y anarcocapitalismo, pretendemos encontrar alternativas para pro- teger mejor los derechos humanos, la libertad y la prosperidad económica, a través de conceptos basados en las ideas de F.A .von Hayek, Michael Polanyi, Elinor Ostrom y otros pensadores liberales y libertarios. Palabras clave: democracia, monarquía, propiedad privada, Hoppe, Hayek, derechos humanos. Clasificación JEL: A12, B10, B13, B25, H10

2021 ◽  
Vol 115 (2) ◽  
pp. 288-294
Author(s):  
Kanstantsin Dzehtsiarou

On January 21, 2021, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or Court) issued its judgment in the interstate case of Georgia v. Russia (II). Georgia complained that Russia committed systemic human rights violations in the course of the 2008 war in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Both of these regions are de jure parts of Georgia, but they have not been effectively governed by central Georgian authorities since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. During the night of August 7–8, 2008, Georgian artillery attacked Tskhinvali (the administrative capital of South Ossetia). Russian forces entered South Ossetia and Abkhazia the next day. Russian and Georgian troops engaged in hostilities for five days, before agreeing a ceasefire on August 12, 2008. Since then, a significant military contingent of Russian troops has remained in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The Georgian authorities complained of systemic violations of European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) Articles 2 (right to life), 3 (prohibition of torture), 5 (right to liberty), and 8 (right to privacy), ECHR Protocol 1 Articles 1 (right to private property) and 2 (right to education), and ECHR Protocol 4 Article 2 (Freedom of movement).


Author(s):  
Joshua Kotin

This book is a new account of utopian writing. It examines how eight writers—Henry David Thoreau, W. E. B. Du Bois, Osip and Nadezhda Mandel'shtam, Anna Akhmatova, Wallace Stevens, Ezra Pound, and J. H. Prynne—construct utopias of one within and against modernity's two large-scale attempts to harmonize individual and collective interests: liberalism and communism. The book begins in the United States between the buildup to the Civil War and the end of Jim Crow; continues in the Soviet Union between Stalinism and the late Soviet period; and concludes in England and the United States between World War I and the end of the Cold War. In this way it captures how writers from disparate geopolitical contexts resist state and normative power to construct perfect worlds—for themselves alone. The book contributes to debates about literature and politics, presenting innovative arguments about aesthetic difficulty, personal autonomy, and complicity and dissent. It models a new approach to transnational and comparative scholarship, combining original research in English and Russian to illuminate more than a century and a half of literary and political history.


2014 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Cassandra Hartblay

<p>Nancy Fraser and Linda Gordon's 1994 article &ldquo;A Genealogy of Dependency: Tracing a Keyword of the US Welfare State&rdquo; explored the historical emergence of "dependency" as a moral category of post-industrial American state. In this article, I engage their framework to explore the genealogy of dependency in America's post-industrial sister, the post-Soviet Russian Federation. I also add disability as a core element of 'dependency' that was largely absent from Fraser and Gordon's original analysis. Considering cross-cultural translation, I ask how Russian deployments of three words that all relate to a concept of interdependence align with and depart from American notions of dependency, and trace historical configurations of the Soviet welfare state vis-a-vis disability. To do so, I draw on historical and cultural texts, linguistic comparisons, secondary sources, and ethnographic research. Given this analysis, I argue that rather than a Cold War interpretation of the Soviet Union and the US as oppositional superpowers in the 20th century, a liberatory disability studies framework suggests that in the postindustrial era the Soviet Union and the United States emerged as dual regimes of productivity. I suggest that reframing postsocialism as a global condition helps us to shift considerations of disability justice from a critique of capitalism to a critique of productivity.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>Keywords: dependency, disability, citizenship, russia, productivity</p>


1990 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 53-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Korey

Despite conservative opposition, in the late 1970s, Jimmy Carter turned the tide in favor of the Helsinki Accord by taking a strong stand in fostering U.S. participation in it. Korey focuses on the U.S. delegation to the Commission on Security and Cooperation (CSCE) in Europe and credits the success of the Helsinki Accord to U.S. adroit negotiation strategies, beginning with the Carter administration. By 1980, U.S. President Ronald Reagan and Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev came to embrace the “humanitarianism” of the treaty. The Vienna review conference's (1986–89) effort peaked when a milestone was reached in the human rights process, linking it directly to security issues equally pertinent to the East and the West. The author contends that the United States' ardent participation in the monitoring of compliance was particularly effective in putting pressure on the Soviet Union to uphold the agreement within its territory, yielding enormous progress in human rights


Author(s):  
James Mark ◽  
Quinn Slobodian

This chapter places Eastern Europe into a broader history of decolonization. It shows how the region’s own experience of the end of Empire after the World War I led its new states to consider their relationships with both European colonialism and those were struggling for their future liberation outside their continent. Following World War II, as Communist regimes took power in Eastern Europe, and overseas European Empires dissolved in Africa and Asia, newly powerful relationships developed. Analogies between the end of empire in Eastern Europe and the Global South, though sometimes tortured and riddled with their own blind spots, were nonetheless potent rhetorical idioms, enabling imagined solidarities and facilitating material connections in the era of the Cold War and non-alignment. After the demise of the so-called “evil empire” of the Soviet Union, analogies between the postcolonial and the postcommunist condition allowed for further novel equivalencies between these regions to develop.


Author(s):  
Michael J. Bazyler ◽  
Kathryn Lee Boyd ◽  
Kristen L. Nelson ◽  
Rajika L. Shah

In 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union, in violation of the 1939 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. The invasion marked the beginning of what Russia would later call the Great Patriotic War during which the Soviet Union suffered tens of millions of civilian and military losses. Private property in the Soviet Union was earlier confiscated through Lenin and Stalin’s nationalization programs. Nazi-occupied territories of the Soviet Union suffered property confiscation by the German forces, with most of the confiscation taking place in the Soviet Republics of Belarussia and Ukraine and western Russia. Russia does not have any private or communal property restitution and/or compensation laws relating to Holocaust-era confiscations, or return of property confiscations dating back to the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917. Russia also does not have any special legislation dealing with heirless property. Russia endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009, but declined to endorse the 2010 Guidelines and Best Practices.


2005 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-486
Author(s):  
Jean-Louis Seurin

The universality of the ideology of Human Rights is presently enjoying increased interest inspite of the limited results and disappointing concrete realizations achieved in this area. At the time of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the universality of the doctrine of Human Rights was only an illusion and the problems raised by the application of subsequent international accords have made evident the political conflicts which are at play behind the human rights debate. Presently, one may accurately speak of a "geopolitic of human rights". Starting from the precept that the best way to resolve opposing points of view is to begin with reality, the author examines the relative situation of Human Rights in three groups which are each relatively homogeneous : the Atlantic zone regrouping the pluralist constitutional democracies; the totalitarian countries including the Soviet Union, the Eastern Bloc countries and the communist countries of Asia and, finally, the zone of non-aligned countries of the "third world".


Worldview ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-9
Author(s):  
Steven Charnovitz

Little noticed by the press. United States trade policy is undergoing significant changes aimed at promoting the rights of workers in foreign countries—changes achieved through the use of both a carrot and a stick. The carrot, now being offered to the less-developed world, is dutyfree access to the U.S. market for qualifying products exported by countries that meet certain new criteria on bbor. The stick is a ban on imports made by forced labor— something the Reagan administration is under increasing pressure to invoke against the Soviet Union. While it is too early to gauge the success of such attempts at exercising economic leverage, they may yet become a milestone in the march of human rights.


2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 699-728
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Jensen

Abstract This study of Washington’s dealings with Equatorial Guinea under the rule of one of modern Africa’s most brutal dictators, Francisco Macías Nguema, analyzes US perceptions and policies relating to communist intervention, human rights, and related geopolitical issues during the Nixon, Ford, and Carter presidencies. It also sheds light on the relationships and conflicts between the Soviet Union, China, and Cuba in Africa. In addition, it offers new perspectives on Cuba’s close ties to the dictatorship of Francisco Macías Nguema and on the possible role of international actors in his downfall in 1979.


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