scholarly journals The White Supremacy Hydra

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriam Mack

Fundamentally, the so-called “child welfare system”—more appropriately named, the family regulation system—is a policing system rooted in white supremacist ideologies and techniques. From its earliest iteration, the family regulation system has functioned to pathologize, control, and punish the families entrapped in its web, most especially Black families. Nevertheless, among many, the myth persists that the family regulation system is one of child protection and family support. This is especially true when discussing the Family First Prevention Services Act of 2018, which—for the first time since the establishment of the modern family regulation system—opens up federal funding streams previously reserved for the removal of children to the foster system to provide prevention services for families in which children have not yet been removed to the foster system. While the Act is a course change in federal family regulation policy, this Article traces how it leaves undisturbed the pathology, control, and punishment central to the policies that preceded it.

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashley Albert ◽  
Tiheba Bain ◽  
Elizabeth Brico ◽  
Bishop Marcia Dinkins ◽  
Kelis Houston ◽  
...  

U.S. history is rooted in the rationalization of family separation to benefit white supremacy, capitalism and mainstream U.S. values. Because of this dark history, the U.S. history has become the world’s leader of legal destruction of families through termination of parental rights. It is the only country in the world that routinely pays people to adopt children whose parents, often women, very much want to be their parent. The Adoption and Safe Families Act, enacted in 1997, wildly changed the legal landscape of the family regulation system. At that time 47% of the children in the system were Black, and the drug war had been targeting Black men for low level offenses, and labeling Black mothers as “crack moms”. The result was an extreme attack on Black families, for which we have yet to recover.   Abolition teaches us to unroot oppressive structures, disrupt and dismantle them while simultaneously supporting a praxis of imagination, healing, and building. In this paper, we encourage people not only to work to repeal ASFA, but to interrogate the imagination which entrenched the legitimacy of ASFA. Part I centers the discussion in our imaginations—the world we want to build, and the demands we are making. Part II moves into a discussion about the counter imagination, the ideas and mythology that created ASFA—the legal framework. In this section, we isolate ASFA as a target for abolition and organizing. Part III moves into a practical discussion about ethical ways to mobilize around ASFA. This section is intended to invite the reader to learn, and question, together. It invites questions, thinking, and problem solving in lieu of providing a recommendation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Brianna Harvey ◽  
Josh Gupta-Kagan ◽  
Christopher Church

The United States’ family regulation system often begins with well-intentioned professionals making child protection hotline calls, jeopardizing their own ability to work with families and subjecting the families to surveillance. By the system’s own standards, most of this surveillance leads to no meaningful action. Nowhere is this reality more present than in schools. Educational personnel serve as the leading driver of child maltreatment allegations, yet decades worth of data reveal educator reports of maltreatment are the least likely to be screenedin and the least likely to be substantiated or confirmed. In other words, education personnel— whether motivated by genuine concern, which may nevertheless be informed by implicit biases towards low-income families and families of color; fear of liability; or the desire to access services they believe families cannot acquire elsewhere— overwhelm our child welfare system with unnecessary allegations of maltreatment. This reality has fundamentally transformed the relationship between families and schools. Carrying the heavy burden of mandated reporting laws, public schools disproportionately refer Black and low-income families to the family regulation system, abdicating schools’ opportunity to serve these same families in the communities in which they reside. Rather than serving as the great equalizer, public schools increasingly contribute to the carceral state’s regulation of families. This Article argues that schools must shift their role away from the reporting and surveillance of these families, and instead directly provide and arrange for services for families. This change begins with sharply limiting or repealing mandatory reporting obligations (permitting voluntary reports in severe cases)—but that is only the start. Schools are well-positioned to create new pathways to the supports and services from which most families reported to the family regulation system might actually benefit. Schools are already a primary source of food for impoverished children, and can help ensure low-income families access all the public benefits to which they are entitled. Schools can largely refer children and families to the same services that the family regulation system can—such as mental health services and substance abuse treatment—but without that system’s coercive authority and its associated problems. Where some services are tied to the family regulation system’s involvement, then law should permit schools to refer families directly. Schools know which families need legal services to defend their housing, access benefits, obtain orders of protection—or any of the myriad of other supports that poverty lawyers can provide. This shift would tie schools to the families and communities that they serve and benefit those families and communities far more than the surveillance and policing they experience under the current family regulation system.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erica Ewa-Elechi

This research study explores the reproduction of anti-black racism within child welfare. The study draws on literature that discuss the experiences of black families within care and the ways in which anti-black racism is perpetuated by child protection services. The literature also discusses the over representation of black children in care by drawing on the past and present discrimination and oppression of black folks as a primary root of such disparity within the system. This research study then moves on to introduce anti-black racism theory and critical race theory as lenses that will frame and guide the discussions on the experiences of black families within child welfare. The study includes an in-depth interview with an East African Canadian child welfare survivor whose narrative provides insight into how black folks are engaged by the system. The study found that this black family continues to face many barriers within child welfare as a result of not only anti-black racism but also the perpetuation of whiteness and white supremacy that continues to guide child welfare practice.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erica Ewa-Elechi

This research study explores the reproduction of anti-black racism within child welfare. The study draws on literature that discuss the experiences of black families within care and the ways in which anti-black racism is perpetuated by child protection services. The literature also discusses the over representation of black children in care by drawing on the past and present discrimination and oppression of black folks as a primary root of such disparity within the system. This research study then moves on to introduce anti-black racism theory and critical race theory as lenses that will frame and guide the discussions on the experiences of black families within child welfare. The study includes an in-depth interview with an East African Canadian child welfare survivor whose narrative provides insight into how black folks are engaged by the system. The study found that this black family continues to face many barriers within child welfare as a result of not only anti-black racism but also the perpetuation of whiteness and white supremacy that continues to guide child welfare practice.


In this chapter, the authors examine if internet users are against any kind of internet regulation policy or not. In their endeavour, they begin with a literature review of older related surveys, and then proceed by presenting their UK-related survey that was conducted in 2007-2008, focusing on the UK's IRS (i.e., BT's CleanFeed). The United Kingdom CleanFeed is an ideal case study as it was the first time that an internet regulation system had been implemented to such an extent in a Western democracy. The authors' UK survey managed to collect initial valuable data that formed their further survey-based research in Greece, Germany, Russia, India, Kosovo, and Cyprus. Last, the authors discuss the need for regularly measuring internet users' opinions about the subject.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brianna Harvey ◽  
Josh Gupta-Kagan ◽  
Christopher Church

Author(s):  
Diding Rahmat

The rise of sexual harassment both verbally and non-verbally against women by men makes women not have any role in criminal law as a victim, this has implications for women's psychology to feel humiliated, lack of confidence, trauma and fear, as a result of the above women who be a victim of sexual harassment who cannot carry out their work or there is also mental illness, stress or some who commit suicide. The purpose of this study was to determine the legal arrangements for the protection of women due to acts of sexual harassment by men today and how the legal efforts of victims of sexual harassment against women. The methodology used in this research is normative legal research with primary, secondary and tertiary materials such as laws, journals and books. Some of the existing regulations such as the Domestic Violence Act, the Child Protection Act and the Pornography Act have not touched on the issue of sexual harassment against women in Indonesia, the first-time researcher; There is a need for regulations governing the protection of women especially regarding acts of sexual harassment. Second; Preventive and repressive efforts are needed to prevent acts of sexual harassment against women in order to protect women so that women are able to rise up, advance, prosper, happy, independent and contribute to the Family, Nation and State. Preventive efforts can be carried out with outreach, workshops and training on legal awareness of women's protection while refressive efforts are in the form of action by the police.Keywords: Women, Sexual Harassment, Legal Protection.�AbstrakMaraknya tindakan pelecehan seksual baik verbal maupun non verbal terhadap perempuan yang dilakukan oleh laki laki menjadikan perempuan tidak memliki bergaining dalam hukum pidana sebagai korban, hal demikian berimplikasi pada pisikologi perempuan merasa direndahkan, kurang percaya diri, trauma dan takut, akibat hal di atas perempuan yang menjadi korban pelecehan seksual yang tidak bisa menjalankan pekerjaanya atau pun ada juga sakit jiwa, stress atau ada juga yang bunuh diri. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengetahui pengaturan hukum perlindungan perempuan akibat tindakan pelecehan seksual oleh� laki laki saat ini serta bagaimana upaya hukum korban pelecehan seksual terhadap perempuan. Adapun metodelogi yang dipakai dalam penelitian ini adalah penelitian hukum yuridis normatif dengan bahan primer, sekunder dan tersier seperti peraturan perundang undangan, jurnal dan buku. Beberapa peraturan yang sudah ada seperti Undang undang Kekerasan Dalam Rumah Tangga , Undang Undang Perlindungan anak dan Undang Undang Pornografi belum menyentuh ke arah persoalan pelecehan seksual terhadap perempuan di Indonesia, Peneliti berkesimpualan� pertama; Perlu adanya peraturan yang mengatur mengenai perlindungan perempuan khusunya mengenai tindakan pelecehan seksual. Kedua; Perlu adanya upaya preventif dan represif dalam mencegah tindakan pelecehan seksual terhadap perempuan dalam rangka melindungi para perempuan agar perempuan mampu bangkit, maju,sejahtera, bahagia, mandiri dan berkontribusi bagi Keluarga, Bangsa dan Negara . Upaya preventif dapat dilakukan dengan sosialisasi, workshop dan pelatihan-pelatihan kesadaran hukum perlidungan perempuan sedangkan upaya refresif berupa penindakan aparat kepolisian.Kata Kunci: Perempuan, Pelecehan Sekual, Perlindungan Hukum.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Baughman ◽  
Tehra Coles ◽  
Jennifer Feinberg ◽  
Hope Newton

The family regulation system identifies families through the use of widespread, cross-system surveillance for the purported purpose of keeping children safe. But the system does not surveil all families equally, leading to the disproportionate impact of family regulation on Black, Brown, and Native families, and fails to protect while causing more harm to children and communities of color. We examine how institutions and professionals that are meant to provide necessary services to the community—medical providers, social services agencies, the police, and schools—act as tentacles of surveillance, entrapping families in the family regulation system. We argue that engineering service and community providers as surveillance agents perpetuates inequality and leads to unnecessary family separation and trauma, and that genuine support for families can only thrive outside of the family regulation system and its surveillance tentacles. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 247-266
Author(s):  
Michelle L. Wilson

Initially, Oliver Twist (1839) might seem representative of the archetypal male social plot, following an orphan and finding him a place by discovering the father and settling the boy within his inheritance. But Agnes Fleming haunts this narrative, undoing its neat, linear transmission. This reconsideration of maternal inheritance and plot in the novel occurs against the backdrop of legal and social change. I extend the critical consideration of the novel's relationship to the New Poor Law by thinking about its reflection on the bastardy clauses. And here, of course, is where the mother enters. Under the bastardy clauses, the responsibility for economic maintenance of bastard children was, for the first time, legally assigned to the mother, relieving the father of any and all obligation. Oliver Twist manages to critique the bastardy clauses for their release of the father, while simultaneously embracing the placement of the mother at the head of the family line. Both Oliver and the novel thus suggest that it is the mother's story that matters, her name through which we find our own. And by containing both plots – that of the father and the mother – Oliver Twist reveals the violence implicit in traditional modes of inheritance in the novel and under the law.


2018 ◽  
pp. 126-142
Author(s):  
Michał Kuzdak

The author discusses the topic of families, especially incomplete. The work is about the disorganization of the family structure, showing its causes and history. The article describes the dangers of modern family and relations on the parentchild line. The author refers to economic emigration as one of the reasons for the loosening of family ties and the cause of incomplete families.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document