scholarly journals An intraparty dispute at the beginning of the 1970s. The case of Pasaga Mandzic and Tuzla group

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 247-267
Author(s):  
Dženita Sarač-Rujanac ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Urban Development ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
The Real ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Post War ◽  
Historical Truth ◽  
Real Truth ◽  
Consistent Application

In this paper, the author emphasizes the specific case of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian intraparty dispute in the context of the reconstruction of the republican leaderships in Yugoslavia, the change of “Croatian Spring participants” and “liberals” as well as the so-called “senior cadres” at the beginning of 1970s. Pasaga Mandzic's years-long dispute with the current political leadership in Tuzla and also in the Republic will touch upon various issues, from plans and results of economic and urban development, integration of enterprises, organization and activities of political and party leadership to establishing the "historical truth" about the events throughout the war years 1941 and 1942. Considering the current socio-political discourse, Mandzic will come out very boldly, demanding that it is finally time to "speak openly" about the actual war events, the consequences of Partisan-Chetnik cooperation at the end of 1941, the dominance of the Serb element in the communist leadership and its attitude towards the Bosniaks during the war, but also in the post-war period. The insistence on establishing the "real truth" entailed a revision of the existing image of a "glorious war past", which also raised the question of consistent application of the principles of brotherhood and unity. Ultimately, years of clarification resulted in the political elimination and moral discredit of Pasaga Mandzic.

How Europeans adopted Anatolia and created Turkey

2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
ERIK JAN ZÜRCHER
Keyword(s):  
Political Leadership ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Secular Modernity ◽  
The Face ◽  
Small Band ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Turkey ◽  
Turkish Society

The Republic of Turkey was founded in 1923. In the first 20 years of its existence, the political leadership of the republic embarked on a process of nation building in Anatolia and at the same time changed the face of Turkish society, stamping on it a particular brand of secular modernity. This article tries to find out what were the common characteristics of the small band of men who made up the leadership of the republic and to what extent their shared background and experience can help explain the course they charted for Turkey after its creation. One of the conclusions is that Turkey, although located geographically for more than 90% in Asia, is in fact a creation of Europeans, who shaped the country after their own image.

Norman Davies. Heart of Europe. A Short History of Poland. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1984. Pp. xxi, 511.

2004 ◽  
pp. 336-337
Author(s):  
L. R. Lewitter
Keyword(s):  
Jewish Community ◽  
Economic Activity ◽  
Religious Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Theme ◽  
Unique Contribution ◽  
European Culture ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Post War

This chapter examines Norman Davies's Heart of Europe (1984). The delicate subject of Polish–Jewish relations in history, not being strictly relevant to the main theme of Heart of Europe, receives little attention. Davies writes with sympathy about the extermination of most of the Jewish community by the Germans during the last war and with restraint about the participation of Jews in the activities of the Communist Party before the war and in those of the political police in the post-war period. Those who regard the Poles as traditional anti-semites will do well to note the autonomy and the scope for economic activity and religious life enjoyed by the Jewish community in the Republic of Poland–Lithuania. In the later 19th and early 20th centuries, a conjunction of pressure and reform opened the flood gates of a reservoir of Jewish talent stored up in those areas, making a unique contribution to Polish, and very soon also to western European culture. Nevertheless, Heart of Europe can be considered as an initiation into the arcane elements of Polish history and politics.

Cities in Crisis. The Political Economy of Urban Development in Post-War Britain

1987 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 91
Author(s):  
Blair Badcock ◽  
Gareth Rees ◽  
John Lambert
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Urban Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Post War

The 1927 Soviet War Scare: The Foreign Affairs-Domestic Policy Nexus Revisited

2012 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-165
Author(s):  
Hugh D. Hudson
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Local Police ◽  
Relations Of Power

The Soviet War Scare of 1927 is usually treated solely within the bounds of Soviet political machinations. This study explores the connection between Bolshevik domestic and foreign policy in the War Scare of 1927 with a focus on the peasants. The peasants in the early years of the NEP were seeking a compromise with the regime, seeing the relations of power following the war, the civil war, and horrendous famine of 1921-1922, not in their favor. The War Scare of 1927 altered how both the peasants and the regime saw one another and the possibility of compromise. The rumors of war were soon coupled with threats of peasants uprising against the communists. By fall 1927, both the local police in their svodki and the central OGPU in its summary reports to the political leadership were describing a mounting confrontational atmosphere among the peasants. Given the heightened anxieties within the leadership regarding the Soviet Union’s ability to defend itself, concern over the reliability of the peasantry and a demand to know more fully about the “political situation in the countryside” had reached a fever pitch. Surveiling the countryside, both the central OGPU and the party leadership concluded, not without some evidence, that a growing number of peasants desired a showdown. The War Scare of 1927 added significantly to the factors that helped set the process of collectivization in motion.

Why Do Kalmyks Want A New National Leader?

Inner Asia ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-117
Author(s):  
Elvira Churyumova
Keyword(s):  
Political Leadership ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Leader ◽  
National Leaders ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Soviet Historiography ◽  
Post Soviet Period

This paper is a brief political and ethnographic commentary on the ‘issues of weakness’ in the current political leadership of Kalmykia. In the Republic of Kalmykia, southwest Russia, ideas about national leaders have been subject to change, depending on the political regime in Russia. Whereas in the Soviet period good leaders, both historical and contemporary, were thought to be skilful managers who did not necessarily have the power to change the course of history, in the post-Soviet period proper national leaders are considered to be those who are endowed with the power to influence history. According to the author, this change in the concept of leadership became possible owing to certain political developments in post-Soviet Kalmykia that allowed alternative ideas to contest some tenets of the Soviet historiography, such ideas remaining largely intact. The tension in Kalmyk historiography between old Soviet and new ideas is unresolved, a situation which is symptomatic of wider tensions and transformations occurring in Kalmyk society itself.

scholarly journals Card Index of Former Latvian SSR KGB Agents: Trauma and the Path to Public Reconciliation

2021 ◽  
Vol 83 ◽  
pp. 155-178
Author(s):  
Uldis Krēsliņš ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Formal Solution ◽  
Psychological Trauma ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Card Index ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Historical Truth ◽  
Witch Hunt

In August 1991, the Republic of Latvia took over the documents of the former Latvian SSR KGB, including the card index of KGB agents. At that time, by postponing the card index publication, the political authorities made the issue of former KGB agents a hostage of their political interests. Discussion on the fate of the card index continued in Latvian public sphere over the next 27 years. The stance of the political elite, which found support in some groups of society, was opposed to the publication of the card index, being concerned about a possible witch-hunt and psychological trauma of the people mentioned in the card index as well as their relatives. However, as a result of public pressure, after lengthy indecision, the card index was made public in December 2018. Unfortunately, the publication of the card index has offered only a formal solution to the issue of the former KGB agents, and the expected results have been achieved from the aspect of neither historical truth nor public reconciliation. Only a small number of people mentioned in the card index have admitted the fact of their cooperation and just a few have expressed public regret. In turn, after 27 years of political elite’s hesitancy, most of the KGB persecution victims accepted the publication of the card index in silence. However, it is clear that denial and silence are not the way to public reconciliation and comprehension of trauma. Those few attempts to make one’s experience public show that in today’s situation people can seek reconciliation only with themselves and within themselves.

Writers and Politics in the Weimar Republic

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karin Gunnemann
Keyword(s):  
Weimar Republic ◽  
German Society ◽  
Great Difficulty ◽  
Thomas Mann ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
Berlin Alexanderplatz ◽  
Heinrich Mann ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Post War

This chapter provides a literary and historical glimpse into the political fortunes of the great writers and novelists of the Weimar era, focusing on Kurt Tucholsky, Alfred Döblin, and the brothers Thomas and Heinrich Mann. Tucholsky (1890–1935) was foremost a polemical political journalist, a humorist, and a writer of satiric poetry for the cabarets of Berlin. No ills of the Republic escaped his witty scrutiny, but when the Republic failed he ended his life in despair. Heinrich Mann (1871–1950) was both a prolific writer of fiction and one of Germany's leading political essayists. In response to the cultural changes of the twenties, he developed a new aesthetic for fiction that helped him preserve his utopian ideal of a democratic Germany. Döblin (1878–1957) expressed his criticism of post-war German society with greatest success in Berlin Alexanderplatz. Thomas Mann (1875–1955) is a representative of those writers who had great difficulty in moving away from their aesthetic and autonomous view of literature to a more “democratic” way of writing.

scholarly journals Susi Pudjiastuti: Kuasa, Dominasi Kharisma dan Kepemimpinan dalam Islam

POLITEA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 181
Author(s):  
Nur Rofiq Addiansyah ◽  
Isti’anah Isti’anah
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Skills ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Collection Method ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Women In Islam ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Islamic Leadership

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-GB">This article will discuss the Indonesian people, the Minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries of the Republic of Indonesia in 2014-2019, Susi Pudjiastuti. Susi is a central figure who is able to steal public attention. Various academic writings have been written about the figure of Susi Pudjiastuti, most of which discuss leadership and communication strategies. This paper wants to look deeper into the strength and leadership of Islam. This paper wants to look at the power possessed by Susi, the Domination of Charisma and Islamic Leadership. Susi Pudjiastuti gave a deep picture that women in Islam do not get shackles to do politics. Women get a broad space and leadership skills that are not much different from men. This paper uses a qualitative approach to character studies. The data collection method in this paper is obtained through documentation from time media, books and other literature. Further research that can be done includes the political leadership of Islamic women in the bureaucracy, as well as differences in leadership between men and women.</span></p>

The Holy See and Czechoslovakia 1945—1948 in the Context of the Nascent Cold War

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (8 (106)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Emilia Hrabovec
Keyword(s):  
International Perspective ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
East Central Europe ◽  
Holy See ◽  
The Republic ◽  
To Come ◽  
Post War ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
Second World

The spectre of Communist expansion as a result of the Second World War represented for Pope Pius XII one of the greatest concerns. The unambiguously pro-Soviet orientation of the Czechoslovak government in exile and the crucial influence of Communists in the inner architecture of the restored state convinced the Holy See that Czechoslovakia was already in 1945 fully absorbed into the Soviet sphere of influence. This fact strengthened the Pope’s conviction of the necessity to resume relations with Prague as soon as possible and to send a nuncio there who would provide reliable information and protect the interests of the Church threatened both by open persecution and by propaganda manoeuvres in favour of a “progressive Catholicism”. The importance of the relations with Czechoslovakia stood out also in the international perspective, in which Czechoslovakia, in contrast to Poland or Hungary, seemed to be the last observatory still accessible to the Vatican diplomacy in the whole East-Central Europe. The year 1947 represented a caesura in the relations between the Holy See and Czechoslovakia. In the international context, this year was generally perceived by the Vatican as a definitive reinforcement of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe. In the Czechoslovak framework, the greatest importance was ascribed to the political crisis in Slovakia in autumn 1947, during which the Communists definitively took over the political power in Slovakia. The lost struggle over the predominantly Catholic Slovakia, that for some time had been considered by the Vatican one of very few hopes for the defence of Christian interests in the Republic, was perceived by the Holy See as a dominant breakthrough on the way to the total Communist transformation of Czechoslovakia. While in the immediate post-war period the Holy See had tried to come to terms with Czechoslovakia also at the price of some compromises, in winter 1947/1948 the last hopes for a diplomatic solution vanished and were replaced by the conviction that in the confrontation with Communism not diplomatic, but spiritual weapons — prayer, testimony, martyrdom — were of crucial importance.

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