scholarly journals Portrait of a necessary Ponto-Baltic alliance: Polish commercial road projects towards the Balkans and the Black Sea, 1919 – 1926

2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-202
Author(s):  
Florin Anghel

The economic expression of the Romanian-Polish military and political alliance undoubtedly had to be represented by the rebirth of the Baltic-Pontic commercial road, as the flow of products coming into and towards the Polish space had been artificially directed, during the 19th century, as a result of understandable political and economic interests, towards the North and the Adriatic Seas, instead of the Baltic and Black Seas. A Polish commercial road towards the Balkans obviously comprised economic, financial and strategic components. One of them referred to building an alternative to the continental routes dominated by Germany (Rhine, Main, Danube); the aim was chiefly to break a dangerous monopoly in the region of Central Europe and the Baltic area. Foreign commerce on the two relations did not enjoy, in any period between the two world wars, a spectacular evolution and never reached an important point. The arguments are based on strictly economic and financial elements: 1. Romania and Poland produced largely the same type of merchandise: there were basically similar raw materials (cereal, coal, oil), the products had a very low degree of processing, and one could earn more and more assuredly with the export type-products on traditional markets (mainly Western Europe); 2. Even if there was a great interest in a partner or a product on the other market, the transport thereof took a very long time. Between Warsaw and Bucharest there was a simple, inefficient and unsafe railroad; there was no preoccupation in the ’20s for the revamping or modernizing of the transport and service infrastructure (telephone, telegraph, post) between the two states; 3. Last, but not least, although the two states had a great number of inhabitants – and, thus, an extremely important potential for buying and consumption – the potential was strongly handicapped by the standard of living. The scanty Polish projects and investments on the Baltic – Black Sea axis have completed – and have not influenced – the general frame of Romanian – Polish relations, essentially based on political, diplomatic and military interests.

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 117-137
Author(s):  
Corrado Montagnoli

During the years that followed the end of the Great War, the Adriatic area found itself in a period of deep economic crisis due to the emptiness caused by the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The ancient Habsburg harbours, which had recently turned Italian, had lost their natural positions of Mitteleuropean economic outlets toward the Mediterranean due to the new political order of Central-Eastern Europe. Rome, then, attempted a series of economic manoeuvres aimed at improving Italian trade in the Julian harbours, first of all the port of Trieste, and at encouraging Italian entrepreneurial penetration in the Balkans. Resolved in a failure, the desire for commercial boost toward the oriental Adriatic shore coincided with the Dalmatian Irredentism and became a topic for claiming the 1941 military intervention across the Balkan peninsula. Italian geopoliticians, who had just developed the geopolitical discipline in Italy, made the Adriatic-Balkan area one of their most discussed topics. The fascist geopolitical project aimed at creating an economic aisle between the Adriatic and the Black Sea, in order to bypass the Turkish straits and become completion and outlet toward the Mediterranean of the Nazi Baltic-Mitteleuropean space in the north. Rome attempted the agreement with the other Danubian States, which subscribed the Tripartite Pact, in order to create a kind of economic cooperation area under the Italian lead. Therefore, the eastern Italian geopolitical border would have been traced farther from national limes. Rome would have projected his own interests as far as the Danubian right riverside, sharing with Berlin the southern part of that area consisting of territories historically comprehended (and contented) between German and Russian spheres of interest, which the Reich intended to reorganise after the alleged Soviet Union defeat. These Countries, framed by the Baltic, Mediterranean and Black See shores, found themselves entangled once more by geopolitical ties enforced by the interests of foreign Countries. However, these projects remained restricted to paper: the invasion of Yugoslavia turned into a failure and exposed Italy's military weakness; Rome proved to have no authority about the New Order organisation. Italy could dream up about its power only among magazines pages.


Author(s):  
Valenina Mordvinceva ◽  
Sabine Reinhold

This chapter surveys the Iron Age in the region extending from the western Black Sea to the North Caucasus. As in many parts of Europe, this was the first period in which written sources named peoples, places, and historical events. The Black Sea saw Greek colonization from the seventh century BC and its northern shore later became the homeland of the important Bosporan kingdom. For a long time, researchers sought to identify tribes named by authors such as Herodotus by archaeological means, but this ethno-deterministic perspective has come under critique. Publication of important new data from across the region now permits us to draw a more coherent picture of successive cultures and of interactions between different parts of this vast area, shedding new light both on local histories and on the role ‘The East’ played in the history of Iron Age Europe.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-198
Author(s):  
Ion Isaia

Abstract This work is meant to demonstrate that, in the special synoptic conditions, on the surface of the Black Sea, a baric depression is being formed. This depression is formed when the Black Sea's water temperature is higher than the surrounding continental ground's temperature. There are situations when the baric depression of the Black Sea occurs because of the consequences of the movement of another baric depression from the east of the Mediterranean Sea to its north-east side. Due to the high atmospheric pressure of the continental zone that's surrounding the Black Sea, the baric depression will get a retrograde movement, towards the north or northwest. Eventually, this depression occludes in the eastern continental zone of Europe or even near the Baltic Sea. During a retrograde movement of a baric depression, the atmospheric precipitations will fall in big quantities, in many situations, causing floods.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-6
Author(s):  
Silviu-Marian Miloiu

A large part of the articles published in the current issue of Revista Română de Studii Baltice şi Nordice / The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies have been initially presented at the Fourth International Conference on Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania: Empire-Building and Region-Building in the Baltic, North and Black Sea areas held at Ovidius University Of Constanța in May 2013. The conference approached the North in the wider perspective of regional cooperation intra- and extra-Nordic muros. The North is regarded as a springboard of regional cooperation which has a strong though faltering historical and cultural background and an obvious European dimension. The downfall of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the process of European integration (whether some of the Nordic countries belong to the EU or not, they are all part and parcel of the process and deeply affected by it) have encouraged the development of regional cooperation in Northern Europe. Belonging to the Northern dimension of the EU meant not only maintaining a regional identity with deep roots in history and culture and making the others acknowledge it, but also strengthening the influence of Nordic countries within and outside the EU and fostering other regional cooperation initiatives in the Baltic Sea area and outside it. Patterned on the Nordic regional cooperation, the Baltic States of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia strengthened their regional cooperation and envisaged deepening their ties to surrounding areas, especially with the Nordic countries. Alongside the Nordic countries, they also gradually turned into a model for the Danubian and Black Sea countries. In this respect, the conference addressed themes such as: the empire building, region-building, national/nationalist, cultural construction discourses present in these regions; the historic development of these regional initiatives and/or organizations and the relations between them; political, cultural and diplomatic relations between Baltic and/or Nordic states, on the one hand, and the Black Sea countries, on the other hand; the relations between the EU integration and different Baltic, North and Black Sea regional structures; education and leadership in the context of regionalization in the Baltic Sea and Black Sea areas; linguistic unity and diversity in Scandinavia and the Baltic states; Nordic and Baltic identity through cultural diversity; water protection in the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea Region and the role of agriculture; inter- and intra-regional comparisons.


2019 ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Aleksander CZICHOS

The Three Seas concept has returned in Polish foreign policy in the form of regional projects implemented by the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Covering primarily transport, energy security and digitization, but not forgetting about military security. The goal of jointly undertaken undertakings is to quickly catch up the region's many years of arrears with Western Europe. Twelve countries from the region, from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea and the Adriatic Sea, got involved in Three Seas stating that the agreement does not constitute competition for the EU or NATO. At many common points of this action differences arise due to personal interests of some countries. Polish-Lithuanian relations are part of the Three Seas project, which improved after a long time, after the presidential election in Lithuania won by Gitanas Nauseda. The first meetings of the presidents of Poland and Lithuania have already shown their similar positions on many issues concerning both countries. It is hope for further favourable development of bilateral and multilateral contacts in the region.


2018 ◽  
pp. 170-188
Author(s):  
Galyna Mingazutdinova

The article touches upon Romania’s path towards obtaining its NATO membership, as well as the prerequisites of shaping of its international image in the sphere of security. The external reasons of activating Romania’s accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization have been analyzed, and the fundamental geopolitical factors of Romania’s importance and contribution to the Transatlantic and regional security have been outlined. The article also reveals the basic stages of rapprochement between Bucharest and NATO in 1990 – 2004. Special attention has been paid to the process of the Romanian military sector reforming in early 1990s, which constituted an essential element of the country’s gaining membership in the Alliance. Some comparisons of the Romanian and Ukrainian paths towards obtaining NATO membership and introducing their Euro-Atlantic integration have been made. It is concluded that en route towards NATO, not only did Romania succeed in holding some essential reforms of the social and political sectors to fulfill its Euro-Atlantic aspirations, but it also has found itself in a particularly profitable situation of the international security situation’s transformation. What is more, Romania did prove itself as an important strategic partner with its geopolitical and geographical position in the Black Sea basin and in the Balkans. Today, these factors continue contributing to Romania’s importance for NATO’s practical activities aimed to provide peace and security to the Black Sea region.


2018 ◽  
Vol 90 (2) ◽  
pp. 58-61
Author(s):  
E. Mikhaylenko

The article is devoted to the investigation of the morphostructure organization of the northwestern part of the Black Sea shelf and the connection of morphostructural elements with underwater canyons. In the presented material is considered the issue of the origin of underwater canyons. The valleys of the Danube, the Dnieper, the Dniester, and the Southern Bug are followed on the north-western shelf at a considerable distance from the shore (approximately 100-120 km). The question of the origin of the underwater canyons remains controversial. Since the underwater canyons in their main part are the continuation of large rivers, the question arises of their paleogeographic origin, but at the same time if the underwater canyons are former river valleys, then how did they find themselves at the bottom of the sea at depths of 2000 m? Consequently, we need incredible tectonic processes to hide the riverbed at such a depth. All this contradicts the formation of the Earth in Tertiary and Quaternary time. Consequently, there are reasons to believe that the underwater canyons are based on tectonic forms of relief. The analysis of the tectonic discontinuity of the Baltic Shield and other areas shows that when the shields are raised, radial split systems are formed and concentrically located to the center of the lift. This hypothesis is consistent with the theory of tectonic plates. It is likely that the same system of splits should also be formed when immersing the edge of the main platform. Thus, the most scientific one can be considered a tectonic hypothesis. The characteristic of morphostructures, analysis of their interconnection, expression in the relief, connection with underwater canyons is carried out. It was investigated that all large underwater canyons of the Black Sea shelf coincide with the isolated linear morphostructures, and, consequently, have tectonic origin.


1926 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jarl Charpentier

The question concerning the location of the original home of the Indo-Europeans—by which name is designated, not a certain race or people of which no traces have so far been found, but the peoples or tribes who did at one time speak the no longer existing Indo-European language—has at times aroused great interest and vivid discussion amongst scholars. While at one time the consensus omnium seemed to vote for an Asiatic origin of the Indo-Europeans, and even, owing to a misunderstanding of the linguistic affinities of Sanskrit, looked for their old home within the borders of India, general opinion seems, since the time of Latham, to have decided for Europe as the cradle of Indo-European-speaking peoples. But as to where in Europe the starting-point of the migrations of these tribes should be looked for no uniform opinion is so far on record. The idea, certainly impossible, that the “Urheimat” should be looked for in Germany and then probably on the southern shores of the Baltic, has long been in favour with German scholars who saw in the ideal old Teutons described by Tacitus a real counterpart of the “Indo-Germanic” ancestors; and Scandinavian archaeologists and philologists have been strongly inclined to adopt this rather fanciful theory and to look for the “Urheimat” not only in Germany but also on the Danish islands and in the southernmost province of Sweden. Other scholars looked for a centre of spread in Hungary, and this theory has quite lately been advocated in an able way by Dr. Giles. The late lamented Professor Schrader, in his sound and thoroughly critical way, tried to establish that South Russia, the rich corn-land to the north of the Black Sea, was the original home of the Indo-Europeans; but he was not quite averse to the idea that they might at one time have extended over areas to the east of that part of Europe. There are other theories as well, but they do not need to be taken into consideration here.


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