scholarly journals Perang Ekuador dan Peru Tahun 1995

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-123
Author(s):  
Ahmad Daniel Kusumah Anshary
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Immanuel Kant ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Democratic Peace ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Democratic Peace Theory ◽  
Interview Methods ◽  
Border Areas ◽  
Democratic Norms

This study tries to explain the reasons why Peru and Ecuador went to war with each other in 1995, even though both are democracies. The research was conducted concerning Immanuel Kant's Democratic Peace Theory by examining norms and institutions as essential factors in developing his theory. This study uses qualitative research with literature review and interview methods. The study will focus on the conditions of norms and institutions in Peru and Ecuador in 1995, the year the two countries decided to go to war with each other. Based on the research results, it is known that democratic norms and institutions owned by Ecuador and Peru have not been able to create peace as has been assumed by Immanuel Kant in the Democratic Peace Theory. Although Ecuador has democratic institutions that can reduce the authority of its leaders in decision-making, the domestic democratic norms established in the 1830 Constitutional Law cannot make the Ecuadorian people's support refer to peace in overcoming the Cenepa border conflict. On the contrary, in Peru, democratic norms that prefer to negotiate and make peace are not followed by the effectiveness of the role of democratic institutions that cannot limit President Fujimori's authority, who chooses to carry out attacks in border areas which then triggers a war.

4. Public Law

2019 ◽  
pp. 94-127
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Fisher ◽  
Bettina Lange ◽  
Eloise Scotford
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Environmental Law ◽  
Administrative Law ◽  
Public Law ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Aarhus Convention ◽  
Constituent Elements ◽  
Public Decision

This chapter explains the important role that public law, particularly administrative law, plays in environmental law. This role comes about because much of environmental law requires vesting decision-making and regulatory power in the hands of public decision-makers at all levels of government. This chapter begins by providing an overview of the different constituent elements of public law: constitutional law, administrative law, the role of the EU and international law, as well the complexities of this area of law. The chapter then moves on to consider the way in which the different types of interests involved in environmental problems and the need for information and expertise provide challenges for public law. The chapter then provides an overview of four major features of public law that are particularly relevant to environmental lawyers: the Aarhus Convention, accountability mechanisms, judicial review, and human rights.

scholarly journals Peran Ahli Hukum dalam Persidangan Mahkamah Konstitusi

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 740
Author(s):  
Bisariyadi Bisariyadi
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Expert Opinion ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Procedural Law ◽  
Expert’S Opinion

Mahkamah Konstitusi kerap membuka persidangan dengan agenda mendengar keterangan ahli hukum sebagai bagian dari pembuktian. Hal ini menjadi sebuah kelaziman yang dipraktekkan tanpa adanya kritisi. Keberadaan ahli hukum dalam sebuah forum yang dipimpin oleh majelis hakim yang dianggap memenuhi persyaratan akan penguasaan isu konstitusi dan ketatanegaraan, secara tersirat, berarti mempertanyakan kualifikasi dari hakim konstitusi itu sendiri. Tulisan ini bermaksud mencari tahu mengapa praktek mendengar keterangan ahli hukum dalam persidangan Mahkamah Konstitusi dilakukan. Selain itu, tulisan ini juga bermaksud untuk memberi masukan dalam hukum acara agar peran ahli hukum yang didengar keterangannya tidak memasuki ranah wewenang majelis hakim dalam menafsirkan konstitusi. Dalam rangka mencapai tujuan penulisan, pembahasan dalam tulisan ini dibagi dalam empat bagian yaitu (i) mengidentifikasi kriteria siapa yang disebut sebagai ahli; (ii) melihat kedudukan keterangan ahli sebagai alat bukti dan bagaimana majelis hakim menilai alat bukti tersebut; (iii) menelisik pengaruh keterangan ahli dalam pengambilan putusan oleh majelis hakim konstitusi dalam praktek selama ini, dan (iv) mengukur apakah keterangan ahli hukum masih dibutuhkan dalam proses persidangan di Mahkamah Konstitusi.      The Constitutional Court has often heard the opinion of legal experts as part of the examination of evidence. This is a common practice that was taken for granted. The very notion of having legal experts opinion in a forum led by judges who considered tohave  meet the qualification to be an experts in constitutional law is implicitly, means questioning the experties of the constitutional judges itselves. This paper intends to find out why the practice of hearing the legal experts opinion in the trial of the Constitutional Court still occurs. In addition, this paper also intends to provide input in the procedural law so that the role of legal experts does not enter the domain of the judges in interpreting the constitution. In order to achieve the objectives, the discussion in this paper is divided into four parts, (i) identifying the criteria of who is qualified as an expert; (ii) assess  the position of expert's opinion as evidence and how the panel of judges evaluate the evidence; (iii) examine the influence of expert opinion in decision making, and (iv) measure whether legal experts opinion is still necessary in the trial of the Constitutional Court.

scholarly journals More Democracies, More Peaceful? The Influences of Democratic Peace Theory in Asean’s Democratization Agenda and Possible Challenges

2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shofwan Al Banna Choiruzzad
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Constraints ◽  
Democratic Peace ◽  
Economic Interdependence ◽  
Democratic Peace Theory ◽  
Democratic Norms

Artikel ini mencoba melacak jejak pengaruh Democratic Peace Theory (DPT) di dalam agenda demokratisasi ASEAN. Untuk itu, tulisan ini mengulas pengaruh DPT dalam dokumen-dokumen yang menjadi panduan bagi agenda demokratisasi ASEAN serta mengenali lebih jelas pengaruh tiga 'aliran' ('strand') dari DPT, yaitu (1) 'institutional constraints,' (2) 'democratic norms and culture,' serta (3) 'economic interdependence' di dalam dokumen-dokumen tersebut. Tulisan ini kemudian membandingkan antara asumsi dasar yang melandasi agenda demokratisasi ASEAN, yang dengan sangat kuat dipengaruhi oleh DPT, dengan kondisi politik dan keamanan negara-negara anggota ASEAN. Dengan melakukan hal tersebut, tulisan ini mencoba mengimbangi 'optimisme teoritis' dari DPT yang mewarnai agenda demokratisasi ASEAN tersebut dengan 'kewaspadaan realistis' bahwa demokratisasi dapat menjadi kotak pandora yang melepaskan bahaya. Demokratisasi dapat berlangsung dengan berkelanjutan hanya jika kita memahami kerumitan dan resiko-resiko di dalam proses tersebut.  

scholarly journals O substancialismo jurídico na administração pública concretista de direitos fundamentais: a juridicidade administrativa como instrumento de justiça constitucional | Legal “substantialism” in public administration concretist of fundamental rights: The administrative legality as a constitutional instrument of Justice

KPGT_dlutz_1 ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 304
Author(s):  
Sandro Lúcio Dezan ◽  
Ricarlos Almagro Vitoriano Cunha
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Administrative Law ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
The Public ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Constitutional Justice ◽  
Initial Line

Resumo: o presente texto tem por finalidade definir o papel da Administração Pública na interpretação e na aplicação do texto constitucional, no que respeita à concreção de direitos fundamentais em países de modernidade tardia, sob o amparo da tensão existente entre o que se denominou de procedimentalismo e de substancialismo jurídico. Busca-se, em linhas iniciais abordar os contornos da tendência de legitimação da função jurídica administrativa de caráter constitucional contramajoritário, a aferir uma nova e importante tarefa ao Estado-executivo, para além de sua comum concepção de “fiel executor da lei”, de modo a concluir que a justiça constitucional envolve a jurisdição (por meio do Poder Judiciário) e a juridicidade (por meio da Administração Pública). Sob essa última perspectiva, busca-se assinalar que a aplicação e concreção do direito também é tarefa da Administração Pública, no âmbito de sua função atípica decisional, ditada pelo próprio texto constitucional, legitimador e impositivo das ações valorativas substanciais no âmbito do Estado Democrático de Direito. Palavras-chave: Direito Constitucional. Direito Administrativo. Democracia. Princípio da juridicidade administrativa. Procedimentalismo. Substancialismo. Abstract: The purpose of this text is to define the role of the Public Administration in the interpretation and application of the constitutional text with regard to the realization of fundamental rights in countries of late modernity, under the protection of the tension between what was called “proceduralism” and “legal substantiality”. In an initial line, it seeks to address the contours of the tendency to legitimize the administrative-legal function of a countermajoritarian constitutional character, to assess a new and important task for the Executive State, in addition to its common conception of "faithful executor of the law". In order to conclude that constitutional justice involves jurisdiction (through the Judiciary) and “juridicialism” (through Public Administration). Under this latter perspective, this paper points out that the application and the scope of its atypical decision-making function, dictated by the constitutional text itself, legitimating and imposing substantial value actions within the Democratic State of Law. Keywords: Administrative Law. Constitutional Law. Democracy. Principle of administrative juridicialism. Proceduralism. Substantialism.

Failing Democracy

2020 ◽  
pp. 50-78
Author(s):  
Gerald J. Postema
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Norms And Values ◽  
Democratic Failure ◽  
Democratic Norms

This chapter explores a set of modalities of democratic failure in response to Aziz Huq’s analysis of failure. Not all of the disappointments produced by democratic decision-making should be construed as failures, and we should distinguish between “intransitive” and “transitive” failing, i.e., between “failed democracy” and a community’s “failing democracy.” Although democratic institutions and constitutional practices may be deformed, democratic failure may also derive from participants’ unwillingness to hold other agents accountable for defying democratic norms and values.

scholarly journals Making liberal use of Kant? Democratic peace theory and Perpetual Peace

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-128
Author(s):  
Sid Simpson
Keyword(s):  
Immanuel Kant ◽  
The Body ◽  
Democratic Peace ◽  
The Third ◽  
Democratic Peace Theory ◽  
Perpetual Peace ◽  
Look Back ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
New Look

The work of Immanuel Kant has been foundational in modern democratic peace theory. His essay Toward Perpetual Peace gives three prescriptions for attaining peace between democracies: republican institutions, a pacific union between states, and an ethos of universal hospitality. Contemporary democratic peace theory, however, has warped the Kantian framework from which it draws inspiration: the third prescription has been gradually substituted for commerce and trade. I argue that this change in emphasis produces tensions between Perpetual Peace and the body of democratic peace theory literature it spawned. Moreover, I contend that a look back at Kant’s essay sheds light on why this transformation occurred. Finally, I use this new look back at Perpetual Peace to reformulate the relationship between peace, democracy, and commerce so as to offer a new perspective on the democratic peace theory/capitalist peace theory debate.

The Democratic Peace Theory: Is War a Means to Peace?

2021 ◽  
pp. 097359842110420
Author(s):  
Sadaf Nausheen ◽  
Varya Srivastava ◽  
Shubhra Seth
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Immanuel Kant ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Democratic Peace ◽  
Democratic Peace Theory ◽  
Perpetual Peace ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Moral Superiority

In the twenty first century, the idea of democracy has transcended its original conception of domestic governance to actively influence international relations. The nature of state—democratic or nondemocratic—has come to determine hierarchy, alliances, and status in international relations. It tends to bestow a degree of moral superiority to democratic states in dealings of international relations. This moral superiority in its most aggressive form, in the past two decades, has led to wars in the name of democracy. It has been used to justify military intervention in nondemocratic states by democratic nations. The use of force to bring about desired consequences has become the norm in inter-state relations. The focus is not on the action, but on its intent. This article studies the use of force and war by Western democratic countries to establish democracies through military intervention in other parts of the world. The article analyzes the widespread impact of foreign policies of the stronger nation-states and seeks to understand if the desired results are achieved or not. Beginning with the democratic peace theory that is held in high opinion by democracies of today, the article moves toward Immanuel Kant and his idea of perpetual peace. The democratic peace theory finds its base in Kant’s perpetual peace and finds an echo in Western democracies’ foreign policies. The article then sees how this theory is used to justify war, through the case study of Afghanistan, and what is the intention behind the wars. The article concludes that the desired aim of “positive peace” cannot be achieved via violent means. In the process of establishing peaceful and healthy democracy, Kant’s categorical imperatives are crucial.

scholarly journals Evaluating the Normative and Structural Explanations of Democratic Peace Theory

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Yunizar Adiputera
Keyword(s):  
Immanuel Kant ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Statistical Approach ◽  
Democratic Peace ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Causal Explanations ◽  
Democratic Peace Theory ◽  
Theoretical Assumptions ◽  
Liberal Ideology ◽  
State Relations

Originating from the work of Immanuel Kant, Democratic Peace Theory proposes that democracies rarely, if ever, fight war against other democracies. While inquiries to the existence of such phenomena through sophisticated statistical approach remain important, it is equally important to further develop the understanding in the causal explanations behind it. There are two dominant strands of explanations for Democratic Peace, one locates the causes on the structure of democratic government, and the other locates them on the prevailing norms/cultures within a democratic society. The structural explanations claim that it is the institutions within democratic governments, such as the presence of regular election, checks and balances (from parliament), and transparency that hinder their leaders to initiate wars against other democracies. The norm/cultural explanations argue that democracies develop liberal ideology, norms of bounded competition, and reciprocity, which guide them in conducting peaceful foreign relations with other democracies. Despite the compelling logics brought by these two types of explanations, there remains a gap between their theoretical assumptions and practical realities of inter-state relations. Furthermore, some of these explanations need to be further specified in order to allow for more operational investigations to them.

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