scholarly journals RESEÑA de: Pérez-Moneo, Miguel. La selección de candidatos electorales en los partidos. Madrid : Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales , 2012.

2013 ◽  
pp. 678
Author(s):  
Óscar Sánchez Muñoz
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Complete Work ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Legislative Changes ◽  
Selection Of

El libro de Pérez-Moneo es la obra más completa publicada en español sobre uno de los temas candentes de la democracia representativa actual: la selección de los candidatos electorales por los partidos políticos. El autor aborda el tema desde una visión crítica de la realidad política española y propone múltiples cambios legislativos con el fin de lograr un mejor cumplimiento del mandato constitucional de democracia interna de los partidos políticos.Pérez-Moneo’s book is the most complete work published in Spanish about one of the burning issues of the representative democracy nowadays: the selection of the electoral candidates by the political parties. The author deals with the subject from a critical vision of the Spanish political reality and proposes many legislative changes in order to achieve a better observance of the constitutional provisions about the internal democracy of the political parties.

Class and Mass in Pre-1964 Brazil

1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-356
Author(s):  
Glenn A. Nichols
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
The Political ◽  
Officer Corps ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Civilian Leadership ◽  
The Military ◽  
Investment Patterns

Initial and prolonged military intervention in Brazil beginning with the events of 1964 has been the subject of considerable theorizing. Yet, relatively little data has been produced to support the various theories. As a consequence, scholars are left with a variety of imaginative and cogently stated options but without an ability to decide which of the choices most closely describes the political reality.Direct and prolonged military intervention has been linked to factors external and internal to the military. Theories emphasizing the change of foreign investment patterns beginning in the 1950s (Cardoso, 1973), the persistence of an authoritarian, perhaps, corporativistic culture (Skidmore, 1973; Roett, 1972; Schmitter, 1971 and 1973), economic malaise (Skidmore, 1967; Lewis, 1975; Fishlow, 1973) and the shortcomings of political parties and civilian leadership (Schneider, 1965 and 1971; Tavares, 1970; Stepan, 1971; Reisky de Dubnic, 1968), and stress elements external to the military. Others, the role of the Superior War College in shaping interventionist attitudes among the officer corps (Stepan, 1973) and the military's assumption of the moderating power or poder moderator (Torres, 1966) stress elements internal to the military.

scholarly journals Theoretical Approaches to the Concept of Responsibility of Members of Political Parties and its Correlation with Legal Responsibility

2019 ◽  
pp. 53-62
Author(s):  
V. Е. Mamedova
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Responsibility ◽  
Subject Matter ◽  
Legal Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Basic Properties ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Legal Responsibilities

The paper proposes the author’s understanding of responsibility of members of political parties provided by the political parties’ constitutions and other intraparty documents (intraparty responsibility). Also, the paper demarcates intraparty responsibility, legal and other types of social responsibility. It is concluded that the responsibility of members of political parties is a subspecies of social and statutory responsibility. The study has determined the tendency of convergence (diffusion) of internal party and legal responsibilities; the analysis has been carried out concerning perspectives of treating the responsibility of members of political parties as positive; the author substantiates the conclusion about the need to study intraparty responsibility exclusively in retrospective aspect. The author elucidates the thesis concerning expediency of enforcement of intra-party penalties as the subject matter of responsibility of members of political parties. Also, the basic properties of intra-party responsibility are revealed and analyzed. The study has investigated the influence of ambivalent nature of political parties and peculiarities of intra-party relations regarding the properties of responsibility of members of political parties.

Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Fabio Wolkenstein
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The State ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Academic Interest ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Western Democracies

In addition to summarizing the book’s main themes as described, this Introduction places special emphasis on connecting the problem animating the book—the apparent incapacity of contemporary parties to mediate between citizens and the state—to current political developments in established Western democracies, showing that the issues the book addresses are not only of academic interest but also directly relevant to ongoing public debates about the state and health of representative democracy. Chief amongst the themes foregrounded here is the rise of so-called ‘populist’ parties on the left and right of the political spectrum, as well as the re-branding of established political actors as ‘movements’ (think, e.g. of Emmanuel Macron’s La République en Marche). These phenomena are interpreted as part of a larger ‘revolt against intermediary bodies’—meaning first and foremost a rebellion against political parties. The Introduction suggests that this ‘revolt’ brings with it only a temporary shift in how representative politics looks, without actually reversing the disconnect between parties and voters or compelling established political parties to give up their privileges and de-colonize the institutions of the state. This argument sets the stage for the book’s core contention that more thought has to be put into finding ways to reconnect political parties with society.

Nationalism and Ethnic Demands: Some Speculations on a Congenial Note

1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 375-389
Author(s):  
Robert Drummond
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Theoretical Basis ◽  
Political System ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
A Priori ◽  
The Political ◽  
Type Model ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Empirical Tests ◽  
Selection Of

In an interesting and insightful article published in 1969, James Lightbody has attempted an improvement of the theoretical basis for the study of nationalism among political scientists. He suggests that the historical perspective which has characterized most previous treatments of the subject should be abandoned, and that its replacement should be a model which perceives nationalism as the result of ethnic group demands upon a functioning political system. Lightbody argues that the adoption of this sort of model would permit political scientists to determine the characteristics which distinguish “nationalist” movements from similarly configured “non-nationalist” groups. Further-more one could look beyond the “collective enumeration of the various demands that have been made by various nation-seeking groups and their self-appointed spokesmen” which serve as the focus of concern for those who see nationalism as ideology. One could examine ethnic group demands without rejecting them a priori as unnaturally disruptive, and one could make comparisons between majority and minority expressions of nationalist views. The model is an “ideal-type” model, bordering on formalism, since it abstracts the demands of ethnic groups from other similar group demands made on the political system, but it has been constructed with a view to the selection of data which could provide empirical tests of its usefulness.

Big Business and the Kapp Putsch

1971 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald D. Feldman
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Big Business ◽  
Government Bureaucracy ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
General Strike

The Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch, hastily begun on March 13, 1920, and ingloriusly ended with the resignation of Dr. Wolfgang Kapp on March 17, has already been the subject of significant study. The details of the putsch itself, the character of the conspirators, and their motives, the positions taken by the political parties and leaders, and the reasons for its failure are fairly Well known. It is generally agreed that the circle of conspirators had too narrow a social base and was too divided in its purposes to be successful. In essence, it was a revolt of unemployed reactionary East Elbian officials like Kapp himself and his “Minister of the Interior,” Traugott von Jagow, disgruntled conservative military officers, the most important of whom was Freiherr von Lüttwitz, and military adventurers like Colonel Max Bauer, Major Pabst, and Captain Ehrhardt. Where Kapp sought far-reaching constitutional and political changes, Lüttwitz strove for more short-term goals, i.e., reconstruction of the cabinet to give it an “expert” character, new elections, and a larger army. The Kapp regime was doomed because of the refusal of the government bureaucracy to serve it and because of the general strike called by the trade unions on March 14.

scholarly journals Valstybinis politinių partijų finansavimas Lietuvoje

Teisė ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 70 ◽  
pp. 119-135
Author(s):  
Elena Masnevaitė
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Growth Control ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Budget ◽  
Reliable Source ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Parliamentary Procedure

Pastaraisiais metais Lietuvoje vis labiau diskutuojama dėl politinėms partijoms skiriamų valstybės biu­džeto lėšų, jų didinimo, kontroliavimo ar... areštavimo. Politinės partijos yra tas subjektas, kuris atlieka mediaciją tarp valstybės ir visuomenės. Valstybė yra tuo suinteresuota, todėl skiria joms tam tikrą finan­sinę paramą, tarsi laikydamasi romėniškos maksimos do ut des. Korupcinių grėsmių požiūriu valstybės biudžeto lėšos yra patikimiausias politinių partijų finansavimo šaltinis, tačiau čia taip pat slypi pavojus, jog politinės partijos praras savo prigimtį ir taps kvazivalstybinėmis organizacijomis, atitrūkusiomis nuo visuomenės grupių ir jų „natūralaus“ suinteresuotumo finansiškai paremti joms priimtinas politines pro­gramas ir jų įgyvendintojus. Turint tai omenyje, šiame straipsnyje analizuojami Lietuvos politinių partijų finansavimo iš valstybės biu­džeto būdai ir formos. Remiantis kitų Europos valstybių patirtimi, atskleidžiami diskutuotini pasirinkto valstybinio politinių partijų finansavimo modelio aspektai, neproporcingos viešosios paramos proble­matika. Be to, pateikiamos rekomendacijos tobulinti reglamentavimą, kurio inicijuotos pataisos „įstrigo“ parlamentinėje procedūroje arba po priėmimo netapo reikiamai veiksmingomis. In Lithuania the funds from the state budget assigned to political parties, its growth, control and... arrest have become a topic of increasing debate over the last years. Political parties are the subject who performs mediation between the state and the society. The state is interested in the abovementioned function and therefore it assigns particular financial support to political parties as if conferred with the Roman maxim do ut des. At the standpoint of threats of corruption the state budget allocations are the most reliable source of funding for political parties, however, there is a risk that political parties will be deprived of their nature and turn into quasi governmental organisations that have lost touch with groups of the society and their „genuine” interest to support beneficial political programmes and their executers financially. While taking this into account the article deals with the ways and forms of financing the political parties from the state budget. Arguable issues of the model chosen by the state to fund political parties and the proble­matics of non proportionate public support are revealed in the article with reference to the experience of Eu­ropean states. Moreover, recommendations how to improve legal regulation whose initiated amendments „stuck“ in the parliamentary procedure or did not become due effective after their adoption are provided.

Administrative Reform in France

1919 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
James W. Garner
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Administrative Reform ◽  
Annual Reports ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Administrative System ◽  
Internal Politics ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Great War

For some years prior to the outbreak of the great war the proposed reorganization of the administrative system of France occupied a leading place among the questions of French internal politics. It provoked a flood of discussion in parliament; it was the subject of investigation and report by various parliamentary, extra-parliamentary and inter-ministerial commissions; it was dwelt upon regularly in the annual reports on the budget; it was a standing subject of discussion by the functionaries in their associations and by the political parties in their annual congresses; it was responsible for a vast output of literature in the form of books, brochures and articles; and it occupied a conspicuous place in the declaration of each incoming ministry upon taking office. In the parliamentary election campaign of 1910 no other question, except proportional representation, was so widely discussed by the candidates.

scholarly journals Ewolucja węgierskiego modelu zarządzania sądownictwem i samorządu sędziowskiego na Węgrzech w latach 1989–2019

2020 ◽  
Vol 119 ◽  
pp. 171-180
Author(s):  
Radosław Grabowski ◽  
Ivan Halász
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Council Of Europe ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
Evolutionary Changes ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Constitutional System ◽  
New System

THE EVOLUTION OF THE HUNGARIAN MODEL OF JUDICIAL MANAGEMENT AND JUDICIAL SELF-GOVERNMENT IN HUNGARY IN THE YEARS 1989–2019The Hungarian constitutional system after 1989 was initially subject to evolutionary changes. The previously binding constitution was only amended, although in most countries of the region the new constitutions created new system concepts. This also concerned the organisation of the judiciary, which in Hungary for a long time remained under the influence of the doctrine formed in the time of the socialist state. Significant corrections in this respect did not take place until 1997, but the solutions and institutions created at that time — including judicial self-government — survived for only slightly more than a decade. The political parties that came to power in 2010 adopted a new Basic Law and made far-reaching transformations in the field of symbolism, constitutional principles and the system of constitutional organs. Both the scope of the changes and the way they were carried out provoked resistance from various environments, including judges, whose influence on the organisation of the judiciary and its functioning was significantly reduced. The dispute that occurred was the subject of debate throughout Europe, and the institutions of the Council of Europe and the European Union were involved in resolving it.

scholarly journals Instytucje i mechanizmy polskiego i ukraińskiego systemu politycznego. Analiza porównawcza

2018 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-191
Author(s):  
Wojciech Sokół
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Values ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Rivalry ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Republic

The aim of the study is to compare selected elements of the political systems of the Republic of Poland and Ukraine in both structural and functional terms. The subject of the study is the genesis and direction of systemic changes, the specifi city of governmental systems, mechanisms of political rivalry and its main actors, i.e. political parties. The analysis shows that systemic solutions in Poland were characterised by greater stability, attachment to the principles of the rule of law and democratic values. In the political system of Ukraine there was quite a large dynamic of change in this area. These changes were instrumental to a greater degree than in Poland and subordinated to preferences that were dominant in particular periods.

scholarly journals Discursive loyalty in the conditions of centralization of power in Russia: nature and typology of the phenomenon

2020 ◽  
pp. 51-62
Author(s):  
Ilya Viktorovich Nikolaev
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Political System ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Public Attitude ◽  
The Political ◽  
Communicative Behavior ◽  
The Public ◽  
Personal Influence ◽  
The Subject

This article raises a problem of existence of the verbal political symbols of autocratic discourse in public space. The hypothesis is advanced that in the conditions of centralization of the Russian political system, forms a specific type of discursive loyalty, interpreted as communicative behavior within the framework of the structure of verbal political symbols set by the official political discourse. The object of this research is the Russian sociopolitical discourse of Russia in the early XXI century. The subject is the instruments of manifestation of discursive loyalty used by public actors. Special attention is turned to the public attitude on verbal symbols of the country’s leader, political parties and bureaucracy in the conditions of centralization and personification of power over the period from 2000 to the present. An attempt is made to formulate the typology of discursive loyalty based on the components of perception of political symbols indicated by R. Cobb and C. Elder. Three basic types of discursive loyalty are defined depending on the dominance of separate components in perception: 1) affective, based on emotional empathy with the content of the discourse of power and its source; 2) cognitive, based on recognition of the relevance of verbal symbols of the discourse of power; 3) analytical, based on rational choice of the verbal symbols of power upon availability of the alternative or evasive option. Types of loyalty are illustrated by examples of discursive behavior of the subjects of civil society of the early XXI century – presidency and prime-ministry of V. V. Putin, whose personal influence actualized the affective type of loyalty, and the results of transformation of the political system led to proliferation of analytical type of loyalty. The author believes that the prevalence of analytical type of discursive loyalty is dangerous for the political system, due to its simulated nature, which creates an illusion of public support.

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