Belgian refugees during the First World War (France, Britain, Netherlands)

Author(s):  
Michaël Amara

The German invasion of Belgium in August-October 1914 led to the flight of more than 1.5 million Belgian civilians. The vast majority sought asylum in the Netherlands, France and Britain. In total, more than 600,000 Belgians – some 10 percent of the Belgian population at the time – settled abroad during the First World War. In France, they received financial support throughout the war, enabling the poorest refugees to avoid utter destitution. In Britain, committees sprang up to help resettle refugee families. In the Netherlands, where large camps were set up to house refugees, support for the refugees remained more limited. The war saw a gradual dwindling of the support offered to refugees. Many had no other choice but to find a job. In France, thousands were put to work in factories and farms. In Britain, 30,000 Belgian refugees, nearly one-quarter of them women, played an important role in the manufacture of munitions. Most refugees kept to themselves. Recreational activities strengthened the bonds to their homeland. Anxious to prevent them from permanently settling in their host countries, the Belgian authorities in exile promoted a strong sense of national identity among the refugees. By mid-1919, most Belgian refugees had returned home.

2020 ◽  
pp. 131-148
Author(s):  
Maarten J. Aalders

This article dives into a part of the life and personal history of J.P.Ph. Clinge Fledderus (1870-1946), consul of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, who played a crucial role in organizing relief for Hungary in the Interbellum and the organization of the possibilities for Hungarian children to recover from the effects of post-war famine and malaise after the First World War by giving them a holiday of some months in the Netherlands. A commemorative marble plaque for him still can be found on the front of the building at the Üllői út 4 in Budapest.


Balcanica ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 69-78
Author(s):  
Stratos Dordanas

Immediately after the outbreak of the First World War Germany mobilized hu?man resources from all fields and put up all the necessary funds to counter British and French propaganda. In a very short period of time, it was in a position to organize its own propaganda networks abroad, to a large extent, by using the respective commercial networks and the pre-war enterprises operating in various countries. It was the neutral countries around the world that were among the primary targets of German propaganda. In the Balkans particular effort was made to create a favourable climate for the Central Powers and prevail over the adverse British and French influence. With the assistance of commercial circles and the appropriation of large sums of money, newspapers, journalists and publishing groups were bought off, information offices set up, agents recruited, politi?cal parties and politicians bribed, and pro-German parties founded. The aim was to influ?ence public opinion, promote the German version of war developments, and manipulate political leaders to give up their stance of neutrality and make the decision for their coun?try to take part in the war on the side of Germany. However, even though Berlin focused its attention on the Balkans where the major propaganda networks were organized, the propaganda campaigns proved to be essentially ineffective. Following Bulgaria?s entry into the war on the side of the Central Powers and the destruction of Serbia, first Romania and then Greece joined the Entente, finding themselves on the winning side at the war?s end.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (48) ◽  

The Ottoman Empire signed an alliance agreement with Germany right after the start of the First World War. After the Alliance treaty, political and military targets were determined in the meeting held among the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress to determine the policy to be followed. In this meeting, it was also decided to set up an Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa, which would carry out a guerilla war for the army. Establishment of Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa, immediately after the alliance signed with Germany, shows that Germany is also looking at this kind of initiative. It was established under the proposal of Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa Enver Pasha under the Ministry of War. Süleyman Askeri Bey, who dealt with the guerilla war, was brought to the head of the Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa. The next two presidents were elected among soldiers of military origin. Unionist officers formed the core of the organization. Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa carried out activities in the Balkans, Caucasus, Morocco, Tripoli, Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq and Syria during the First World War. However, during the war, the Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa underwent some changes. After Ali Başhampa, a civilian, became the president, the name of Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa became Umur-ı Şarkiyye Dairesi, and Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa became more central and civil. Following this change, Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa started to conduct propaganda rather than military activity. In this article, the activities carried out by Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa during the First World War will be evaluated. Keywords: Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa, Enver Pashaa, the Committee of Union and Progress, the Ottoman Empire


2012 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 233-256
Author(s):  
Bruno Yammine

Voor het voeren van zijn Flamenpolitik tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog, deed het Duitse Rijk beroep op een omvangrijke propaganda. Daarmee wilde het de Vlaamsgezinden er onder andere van overtuigen dat er in het buitenland een anti-Vlaamse hetze woedde. In vrijwel de hele literatuur over Flamenpolitik en activisme werd (en wordt) het aangenomen dat de wallingant Buisset, een liberale volksvertegenwoordiger uit Henegouwen, al bij de eerste gouverneur-generaal was gaan aandringen op de afschaffing van het Nederlands. Nader onderzoek leert ons echter dat het verhaal over Buisset op een Duitse propagandafabel berust, ons vooral overgeleverd via een bewuste Hineinterpretierung van oud-activist A.L. Faingnaert. Het verhaal moet ook in samenhang gezien worden met de propaganda van de Duitse stromannen in Nederland die medio 1915 de Flamenpolitik een versnelling hoger deden schakelen.________“The Walloons tried to convince us hundreds of times that there were no more Flemings left …” The story about Buisset and the German propaganda (1914-1915)During the First World War, the German Empire called upon an extensive propaganda for the propagation of its Flamenpolitik. In this way, it tried to convince the Pro-Flemish among other things of the existence of an anti-Flemish witch-hunt abroad. Practically the entire literature about the Flamenpolitik and activism assumed (and still assumes) that the wallingant Buisset, a liberal Member of Parliament from Hainault, had already approached the first governor-general to urge the abolishment of the Dutch language. However, further research indicates that the story about Buisset is based on German propaganda fiction, and has in particular been handed down by an intentional Hineinterpretierung by former activist A.L. Faingnaert. The story also needs to be viewed in context with the propaganda of the German front men in the Netherlands who cranked up the Flamenpolitik around the middle of 1915.


1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Akzin

Ever since the American and the French revolutions, it was taken for granted that a written, formal, Constitution was essential to the functioning of a modern State. Old-established States, as they moved toward modernization or away from absolutism, hurried to provide themselves with Constitutions. New States enacted Constitutions as a matter of course, as one of the first acts of a newly-found sovereignty, often copying them from available models and without pausing to consider to what extent the provisions copied would suit the particular characteristics and goals of their respective societies. The well-known process of “reception” of laws was followed by a similar trend to “receive” Constitutions. To have a formal Constitution well-nigh became a universal fashion, a symbol of modernism. In the aftermath of the First World War, only two groups of fully independent States remained without Constitutions. One of them comprised countries still in their pre-modern stage, in respect both of their political and of their general social set-up, and without pretensions to modernity: Afghanistan, Ethiopia (then Abyssinia), Saudi Arabia, Thailand (then Siam), Yemen; since then, each of these, bent on modernization, provided itself with some kind of constitutional chart. The other group consisted of the one and only Great Britain, looked upon by everybody as a case apart.


Author(s):  
Elena V. Nikolaeva

We address one of the episodes of the First World War revealing the problem of financial support of the residents of frontline territories who found themselves in the inner governorates of the Russian Empire due to their voluntary flight. The refugee wave was heterogeneous, it included different categories of migrants, which led to the fact that the government aid was often distributed in an uneven manner. It caused the desire on the part of some refugees to derive maxi-mum value from the grants provided under equal conditions established by law. Additional oppor-tunities for such actions were created by a large number of organizations that provided assistance to people who had left their homes and an overlap of their functions. It resulted in the emergence of numerous conflicts and the search for compromises in the context of uneven state support, which in its turn generated discontent and disbelief in the justice of the existing measures.


2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 915-933 ◽  
Author(s):  
VICTOR MADEIRA

The celebrated ‘Cambridge five’ have hitherto been believed to be the first long-term communist penetration agents in HM government, beginning with Donald Maclean in 1935. However, new research indicates that by 1919 another Cambridge man – like four of the ‘five’, a Trinity graduate – had already begun working for Moscow. This article is the first to examine how William Norman Ewer, known as ‘Trilby’ to his co-conspirators, organized networks in Great Britain and France to target the governments of those two powers. Under close Soviet supervision, Ewer's subordinates infiltrated half-a-dozen Whitehall departments, foremost among them Scotland Yard. Operating under the aegis of the home office, the Yard was a vital cog in the machinery of government set up to combat the ‘red menace’ in this country immediately after the First World War. By compromising the lead agency tasked with fighting them, the Bolsheviks thus created the requisite conditions for the metastasis in Great Britain of Soviet espionage in the 1920s.


Author(s):  
Timothy Bowman ◽  
William Butler ◽  
Michael Wheatley

This chapter discusses the propaganda organisations established in Ireland during the First World War. Tasked with organising military recruiting in Ireland, these bodies included the Central Council for the Organisation of Recruitment in Ireland (CCORI), the Department of Recruiting in Ireland (DRI), and the Irish Recruiting Council (IRC), which were in existence at various stages across the war, from May 1915 until its termination. It addresses how these bodies were set up, organised, and, ultimately, how successful they were. It places these organisations into the unique Irish context, as propaganda activities operated in the context of Irish Home Rule in 1914-15, during the Easter Rising in 1916, and the Conscription Crisis in 1918. It also places their activities within the wider British context, particularly drawing comparisons with the Parliamentary Recruiting Committee (PRC).


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (T29A) ◽  
pp. 196-204
Author(s):  
Rajesh Kochhar ◽  
Xiaochun Sun ◽  
Clive Ruggles ◽  
Juan Antonio Belmonte Avilés ◽  
Brenda Corbin ◽  
...  

International Astronomical Union was formed after the First World War although it became truly international only after the Second World War. Its Commission 41 on History of Astronomy (C41) was set up in 1948 and in a few years established itself as an active and influential unit. It has the distinction of being a joint Commission, the other partner being International Union of History and Philosophy of Science and Technology (IUHPS). Since IAU is an internationally respected body of professional astronomers, its support for history of astronomy enhances the credibility of the discipline in the eyes of scientists as well as science establishments of individual countries. C41 is committed to advancing objective and rigorous world history of astronomy taking into account all its aspects.


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