scholarly journals Exercise of rights of the indigenous peoples on the example of Norway's policy towards Sami population

Author(s):  
Elena Nikolaevna Moroz

This article is dedicated to the relevant problem of preserving the lifestyle of indigenous peoples and ensuring their rights. Norway has a considerable experience in this sphere, and can serve as a positive example for the Russian in the sphere of exercising the rights and support of the indigenous small-numbered peoples. The goal of this article consists in examination of the government policy towards the indigenous peoples of Northern Norway, their current status, as well as assessment of government activity in solving the problems of Sami people. The subject of this research is the legislation and policy towards Sami people as the indigenous people of the North and minority in Norway. The methodological framework consists of systematic, retrospective and comparative analysis. Analysis is conducted on the international and domestic legal aspects of exercising the rights of Sami people. In conclusion, the author notes the recent fundamental transformation of the legal system towards sovereignty of Sami people, and moreover, the revival of their cultural and social traditions. The scientific novelty of lies in the comprehensive analysis of international and domestic means of protection of rights of the indigenous peoples of the North, as well as in assessment of the political program and government actions on maintaining their unique culture and ensuring the rights to self-governance.

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jaseb Nikfar ◽  
Ali Mohammadi ◽  
Ali Bagheri Dolatabadi ◽  
Alireza Samiee Esfahani

Nowadays the discussion of intellectual schools in the world, especially in the north of Africa is very important for the political analysts. The intellectual roots that existed in these regions from the beginning of independence were more toward the Islam. These roots mostly revealed themselves after the victory of Islamic revolution. The formation of Iran’s Islamic revolution on the top of west and east blocks’ mutuality was a paradigm of general direction of religions and Islamic values for forming the government. This article uses description- analytic method to investigate the effects of Islamic revolution on the Muslim’s intellectual schools in the north of Africa. Two main questions are How and in what direction has the Islamic revolution happening affected the Muslim’s intellectual schools in Libya and Tunisia? Findings of the research shows that with regards to the Muslim’s intellectual backgrounds that before the Islamic revolution existed, in these countries Islamic revolution caused the reinforcement and doubled motivation for these groups. But, yet the reinforcement of the activity of these groups caused their mutuality with the government and increase of violence and insecurity.


Author(s):  
Anatoly A. KONONENKO ◽  
Artem A. Kononenko

The political repressions of the 1930s in the USSR have repeatedly been the subject of interest of historians. Nevertheless, there are practically no studies of political repressions of the 1930s in relation to nomenklatura workers at the level of the provincial Siberian city of Tyumen. This article aims to reveal the cause-and-effect relationship in the issue of physical liquidation of the thinnest layer of the party-economic nomenklatura, using the case of the city party organization of the CPSU(b) of Tyumen in 1937-1938. We have restricted ourselves to one of the components of the “Great Terror”, namely to “purging the elite”. The research was conducted using the documents from two regional departments of the USSR Federal Security Service (FSB), former party archives of the Tyumen and Omsk regions, and periodicals. This required employing prosopographic, comparative-historical, problem-chronological, and system-structural methods. Such approach allowed clarifying the biographical data of the leaders of the city in 1936-1938 and classifying the criminal acts, incriminated to the accused. The results of a comprehensive analysis of the sources show that the cause of the personnel purge should be considered a violation of the imbalance between the limited collective leadership and the still limited one-man dictatorship of I. V. Stalin’s dictatorship. The limited collective leadership was no longer in line with the reality of one man’s increasing power. Rotation of undesirable workers as an alternative to personnel cleansing proved to be unsuccessful. The motive for repressions against workers who had never participated in the opposition was their casual contacts and acquaintances with former opposition figures described as “spies and terrorists” in 1937-1938. The party, Soviet, and Komsomol workers who had no such contacts, though subjected to repression, were rehabilitated. Finally, in terms of their educational and professional level, the new generation of city party workers did not differ from the previous one.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Jay Scherer

In 1976, amidst a period of détente in the Cold War, the Government of Canada officially hosted an inaugural open-play invitational ice hockey tournament. A detailed narration of these events, pieced together from archival sources, allows scholars to understand the negotiations to prepare the political terrain for the event, including efforts to secure the official endorsement of the International Ice Hockey Federation for a tournament sponsored by the Government of Canada in exchange for Canada’s return to international competition in 1977; the participation of various countries and their respective hockey governing bodies, especially the Soviet Union, in an international tournament featuring professional players; and an agreement with the North American professional hockey cartels, especially the National Hockey League, to allow star players to participate in the event. The success of the 1976 Canada Cup accelerated the commodification and commercialization of hockey both in North America and globally—a process that was increasingly driven by the interests and aspirations of the National Hockey League. At the center of this history is one increasingly powerful—and avaricious—character: Alan Eagleson.


Author(s):  
О.В. Мифтахова ◽  
К.Г. Мокрова

Данная статья освещает специфику языковых средств, используемых в немецких СМИ для создания образа политического деятеля. Поскольку средства массовой информации обладают мощнейшим манипулятивным действием, они играют ведущую роль в формировании массового сознания и социального мнения. В СМИ специально создаются политические образы не только отдельных представителей власти, но и государств в целом. Политический имидж лидеров стран влияет на развитие международных отношений: от положительной или негативной окраски того или иного государственного деятеля напрямую зависит успешность проведения внешней политики страны. Цель статьи - рассмотреть на примере двух немецких политиков, Сары Вагенкнехт и Аннегрет Крамп-Карренбауэр, языковые средства создания имиджа, формирующие у аудитории данных деятелей субъективное мнение о них. СМИ выступает мощнейшим оружием в данном вопросе, придавая особую значимость тем или иным высказываниям политиков. Выражая собственную оценку, средства массовой информации незаметно влияют на сознание и суждения людей. Предмет исследования - средства выразительности, которые оказывают воздействие на создание положительных или негативных медиаобразов политиков Германии. Актуальность темы проявляется в необходимости правильно трактовать тонкости речи и письма, которые могут формировать оценочные мнения о том или ином политическом деятеле. This article considers the issues of language means of creating the image of a politician used in the German media. Since the media have a powerful manipulative effect, they play a leading role in creating mass consciousness and social opinion. In the media, political images are specially formed not only of individual representatives of the government, but also of the state as a whole. The political image of the leaders of states have the influence the development of international relations: the success of the country's foreign policy directly depends on the positive or negative coloring of a statesman. The purpose of the article is to examine, using the example of two German politicians, Sarah Wagenknecht and Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, as language means for creating an image, forming a subjective opinion of them among the audience. The media act as a powerful weapon in this matter, attaching particular importance to certain statements of politicians. Expressing their own assessment, the media imperceptibly affect the consciousness and judgments of people. The subject of the research is the means of expression that influence the creation of positive or negative media images of German politicians. The relevance of the topic is manifested in the need to understand the intricacies of speech and writing, which can form evaluative opinions about a concrete political figure.


3.8 The standard layout of a treaty A treaty, like English legislation, has a standard format. At the beginning of the treaty is a preamble setting out the main goals of the treaty and the aspirations of the parties. It is divided into clusters of items dealing with similar matters. Each cluster is called a title (which roughly equates with the division of an English statute into parts). Titles contain numbered items called Articles, each one setting out a basic rule or principle. Articles can be divided into paragraphs and subparagraphs. The numbering system is Arabic and it not as dense and complex as that used by English statutes. Figure 5.3: standard layout of a treaty 5.3.9 How do obligations entered into through treaties become part of English law? If the UK government wishes all, or part of a treaty, to become part of English law it must specifically incorporate the treaty, or part of it, into the English legal system via legislation. This legislation goes through the same procedures as any other piece of legislation. If the government expects the treaty to give rise to a range of other measures over time it will usually place sections in this legislation delegating the authority to make later legal changes to others (such as the minister of appropriate government departments). This saves time as there is no need for the full legislative process in Parliament. Whilst it is still the subject of parliamentary debate, it does have a fast track procedure. In relation to treaties becoming part of English law in this way, there is always the possibility that Parliament may refuse to enact the legislation, which would leave the government in an extremely difficult situation. However, the UK Parliament is usually controlled by the political party forming the government and the government would not risk the embarrassment of failure but would guage its position in Parliament prior to signature of a relevant treaty.

2012 ◽  
pp. 132-133

1971 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald D. Feldman

The Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch, hastily begun on March 13, 1920, and ingloriusly ended with the resignation of Dr. Wolfgang Kapp on March 17, has already been the subject of significant study. The details of the putsch itself, the character of the conspirators, and their motives, the positions taken by the political parties and leaders, and the reasons for its failure are fairly Well known. It is generally agreed that the circle of conspirators had too narrow a social base and was too divided in its purposes to be successful. In essence, it was a revolt of unemployed reactionary East Elbian officials like Kapp himself and his “Minister of the Interior,” Traugott von Jagow, disgruntled conservative military officers, the most important of whom was Freiherr von Lüttwitz, and military adventurers like Colonel Max Bauer, Major Pabst, and Captain Ehrhardt. Where Kapp sought far-reaching constitutional and political changes, Lüttwitz strove for more short-term goals, i.e., reconstruction of the cabinet to give it an “expert” character, new elections, and a larger army. The Kapp regime was doomed because of the refusal of the government bureaucracy to serve it and because of the general strike called by the trade unions on March 14.


1963 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 378-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry S. Albinski

“… [M]ost Canadians who are aware of the subject,” says the author of a recent essay, “feel that the [Canadian] Senate has outlived its usefulness and has become a superfluous appendix to the political system. Indeed, the prestige and authority of the Senate has probably fallen to its lowest level in Canadian history.” Considering the disparagements which have been tossed at the Senate, the allusions to “… genial old gentlemen who … live on, undisturbed, meeting a few weeks in the year, bumbling and grumbling at the government, making a few good speeches, and drawing an annual indemnity [now $10,000] for less work than any other citizens of Canada,” this was a restrained indictment. Nevertheless, in 1961 and early 1962, the Senate was also being extolled in some quarters as the keeper of Canada's conscience. Yet others saw it as a crafty player of rank politics and as an infringer on constitutional propriety. The Prime Minister threatened Senate reform and the injection of Senate misbehavior as an election issue. The Senate had seemingly come to life, and in so doing thrust itself into the center of Canadian political controversy. The purpose of this article is to examine the problems surrounding the position of the Senate in the Canadian political system, through an analysis of the agitated discussions of 1961-62.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 463
Author(s):  
Ahmad Redi ◽  
Yuwono Prianto ◽  
Tundjung Herning Sitabuana ◽  
Ade Adhari

Pasal 18B ayat (2) UUD NRI 1945 mengatur mengenai penghormatan dan pengakuan atas satuan-satuan masyarakat hukum adat beserta hak-hak tradisionalnya sepanjang keberadaannya masih ada. Salah satu hak masyarakat adat di masyarakat pesisir di Provinsi Lampung ialah hak rumpon sebagai hak ulayat laut. Rumpon laut secara bahasa merupakan jenis alat bantu penangkapan ikan yang dipasang di laut, baik laut dangkal maupun laut dalam. Saat ini eksistensi rumpon laut terancam keberadaannya karena untuk menjaga dan melestarikan sistem pengelolaan perikanan ini tidak didukung oleh tindakan nyata oleh Pemerintah dan masyarakat sekitar pesisir. Tulisan ini melakukan pengkajian atas hak masyarakat hukum atas hak ulayat rumpon di Provinsi Lampung dengan fokus penelitian pada eksistensi hak ulayat laut rumpon pada masyarakat Lampung dan perlindungan konstitusional atas hak ulayat rumpon laut. Metode penelitian yang digunakan yaitu metode socio-legal yang melakukan kajian terhadap aspek hukum dalam ranah das sollen dan das sein.Article 18B paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia regulates the respect and recognition on customary law community units and their traditional rights as long as they still exist. One of the rights of indigenous peoples in coastal communities in Lampung Province is rumpon’s right as the ulayat right of the sea. Literaly, Rumpon laut is a type of fishing gear installed in the sea, both the shallow and the deep one. Currently the existence of rumpon laut is threatened because the maintenance is not supported by concrete actions by the Government and coastal communities. This paper conducts an assessment of the community’s right on customary rights of rumpon laut in Lampung Province. This paper focuses on the existence of the ulayat right of rumpon laut in Lampung and the constitutional protection of the ulayat right of rumpon laut. The research method used is a sociolegal method that studies the legal aspects in the realm of das sollen and das sein.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 651-660 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rabiul Islam ◽  
Ahmad Bashawir Abdul Ghani ◽  
Muhammad Fuad Othman ◽  
Laila Suriya Ahmad Apandi

Purpose of the study: The aim of this study was to relate the political economy and its impact on trade and development of economy. One of the currently witnessed changes that strike out the most from previous years is the relatedness of each political economy aspect of the world. The dimension of economy can be found in different problems throughout the world and economy has become the most prioritized aspect in the 21st century. Methodology: The data for this study were obtained from existing literatures on political economy and trade as well. The methodology heavily relied on the existing previous literatures on the subject being dealt with. Results: The findings indicated that the government could decide to intervene in markets with the intention of limiting import or maximizing export. Trade barriers might be applied for the intention of limiting imports such as tariffs, import quotas, native gratified necessities, directorial strategies, and anti-dumping policies. Implications: Protectionist policies are being implemented by country by the means of protecting the local market from international market that might risk the industries inside the nation and might resulted in the depletion of the nation’s sovereignty rate. Protectionist policy can be considered as a barrier towards trade but is essential for the long run local industry.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Made Oka Cahyadi Wiguna

The government has indeed provided legal protection and certainty to indigenous peoples regarding their ulayat lands, through a Ministerial Regulation. However, it needs to be studied more deeply about the concept of communal rights to land and Pakraman village as the subject of communal rights holders on land. Communal rights to land are conceptualized as models of land rights that have just been raised in the national land law system. The consequence is that indigenous and tribal peoples as communal rights holders are authorized to use and benefit from their communal land. Pakraman village qualifies as a subject of communal rights to land because Pakraman village in Bali is classified into the community of the community, has a system of customary government referred to as the traditional prajuru led by a customary village leader. Then Pakraman village has a legal area called the Palemahan Pakraman village. As an instrument that regulates the life and social interaction of the community, awig-awig is the customary law of the community in a Pakraman village in Bali.


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