scholarly journals A CRITICISM OF CULTURALISM FROM A SOCIALIST PERSPECTIVE: A COMPARISON OF SAMIR AMIN AND NİYAZİ BERKES

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (82) ◽  

Culturalism is an approach that interprets civilizations within the religious, historical, and traditional boundaries. In this approach, it is argued that the cultural accumulations that emerged from and developed in the West are, in principle, unique to the Western civilization, and it is suggested that peripheral countries return to their own cultures in the face of imperialism. However, throughout history, civilizations have interacted with each other independently of religious and cultural boundaries and have created common cultural accumulations. Secularism, democracy, rule of law, and human rights are some of the clearest examples of these universal values of civilization. Moreover, culturalist criticism tends to overlook the capitalism and the economic-class contradictions between the center-periphery countries and bases its argument on the assumption that the main contradiction is about culture and religion. Therefore, although culturalist theories claim to oppose imperialism, they eventually reconciled with imperialism. This was proved by the failure of modernization and socialism in Asia and Africa starting from the 20th century. The importance of Samir Amin and NiyaziBerkes lies in that they made the first and most comprehensive criticisms of the culturalist approach in social sciences. Another reason for examining their views together in this study was that both of them, from Egypt and Turkey, are known to be the modernization theorists of the peripheral countries. Amin and Berkes defined the concept of civilization without referring to the religious and cultural boundaries. This is the most obvious common feature in their modernization approaches. The point where they differ is that Samir Amin draws attention to the real contradiction between the central and peripheral countries and thinks that this contradiction is about the capitalist world system. On the other hand, like Amin, NiyaziBerkes also criticizes the reconciliation of tradition and modernity, but does not dwell on the variables such as capitalism and capitalist world system. The purpose of this study is to keep the criticisms of the culturalist approach alive based on the theoretical approaches of Samir Amin and NiyaziBerkes. Keywords: Turkish sociology, Socialism, Modernization, Imperialism, Culturalism, Historical Materialism, Capitalist World System

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
William I. Robinson

Scholars of world-systems and global political economy have wrestled for decades with the genesis of 'race' as a social construct and its historical significance for the system of world capitalism.  Transformations in the world capitalist system pose a new challenge to Western theories of race.  Older colonial structures may be giving way in the face of capitalist globalization.  Racial or ethnic dimensions of the relations of exploitation in the capitalist world-system need to be reconceptualized.  This symposium aims to generated debate and interchange among scholars on such a reconceptualization and to contribute to real world struggles against racial inequities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 470-482 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valentine M. Moghadam

I consider prospects for revolution in the 21st century, defined here as a thorough-going world revolution that replaces the capitalist world-system with a feminist-inflected democratic socialism. An overview of 20th century revolutions and more recent uprisings suggests distinctive contemporary features, including women’s participation and the diffusion of feminist agendas, but also constraints. In the face of reactionary social movements, and given the limits of ‘horizontalist’ politics, activists could learn from past revolutionary strategies to build a powerful global alliance of progressive forces.


Author(s):  
Paul Earlie

This chapter explores the importance of affect in Derrida’s understanding of the political. The recent ‘affective turn’ in the humanities and social sciences is often seen as a turn away from the earlier ‘textualist’ models of poststructuralism. This chapter shows that affect is, however, central to deconstruction and to Derrida’s account of the relationship between subjectivity and the political, a relationship it traces to Derrida’s involvement in the 1980s with Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe’s and Jean-Luc Nancy’s Centre de recherches philosophiques sur le politique (Centre for Philosophical Research on the Political). Derrida’s writings on the political (le politique) and on politics (la politique) begin from the premise that the passionate bonds which tie us to ourselves and to others are always accompanied by anxiety in the face of loss or destruction. This aporia, which emerges in dialogue with Freud’s theory of affect and group psychology, is fundamental to the psychical (an)economy of the subject of deconstruction. The latter poses difficult questions to contemporary philosophical and theoretical approaches to affect, some of which are explored here. Texts such as Politiques de l’amitié (Politics of Friendship), Voyous (Rogues), and Le “concept” du 11 septembre (Philosophy in a Time of Terror) underscore how politics can exploit the fragility of the bond between self and other in promising an end to anxiety. For Derrida, however, such anxiety is interminable because it is part of the aporetic structure of subjectivity from the very beginning.


Author(s):  
Narushige Michishita

There are two major objectives in Japan’s grand strategy: to maintain the balance of power in the face of a rising China, and to bring about economic prosperity, peace, and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. To achieve these objectives, Japan is strengthening its defense capabilities, security ties with the United States, and security partnerships with the countries such as Australia, India, Southeast Asian nations, and South Korea; it also seeks to promote the rule of law, freedom of navigation, and free trade; enhance connectivity; and provide capacity-building assistance to regional partners. Japan’s vision of Free and Open Indo-Pacific has evolved over time. In 2018 the Japanese government desecuritized its FOIP concept in order to ease China’s concern and to make the policy more acceptable to China’s neighbors. It also stopped emphasizing the importance of “universal values” so that countries such as Vietnam and Myanmar could sign up for it. Those decisions indicate that Japan’s guiding principle is based more on realist calculations than liberal ideologies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (61) ◽  

ccording to Amin, there are two fundamental variables about the concept “people's democracy.” The first is that people's democracy emerges from the political and social demands of the "working classes." So, neoliberal bourgeoisie and companies integrated into the global economy have nothing to do with people’s democracy. The second fundamental variable is that the principle of "equality" constitutes the backbone of people’s democracy. This equality is not about economy or culture alone. It includes freedom of expression and association, participation of large segments of society in the state administration, and equality of women and men, as well as transfer of the ownership of means of production to workers. According to Amin, if any of these components of equality is compromised, it is impossible to talk about people's democracy. After analyzing the fundamental variables of the concept of people's democracy in this way, Samir Amin describes its necessary preconditions. These preconditions are "secularism" and "break with the capitalist world system," in order of importance. Compromising any of these two preconditions will pave the way for a decisive failure on the road to create people's democracy for the periphery countries. A fact confirmed by the experiences of periphery countries in modernization and socialism in the 20th century is that the countries that have failed to realize the principle of secularism or chosen the way of “catching up with” developed capitalist countries without breaking with the capitalist world system have not been able to reach these goals. Keywords: Historical materialism, social classes, socialism, democracy, secularism, gender


2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-140
Author(s):  
Maria Cristina Vidotte Blanco Tárrega

O escravismo colonial, como vetor de um processo de organização do capital e de construção de um sistema mundo, engendra uma perene desqualificação do Negro e o coloca às margens do mundo ocidental, transformando-o, no mundo globalizado contemporâneo, em sujeito de conflitos ecológicos distributivos, na luta por seus direitos. A partir disso e na perspectiva do direito, propõe-se refletir sobre a condição histórica do Negro como agente central e sujeito da luta e da resistência na conformação do capitalismo, para ressignificar o papel desses sujeitos de direito e de suas lutas nos conflitos originários do desenvolvimentismo globalizado. Faz-se uma abordagem analítica na literatura especializada sobre escravidão. Os conflitos ecológicos foram pensados a partir da ecologia política e o racismo foi abordado a partir da filosofia e da história críticas. Dos resultados, têm-se que o regime escravocrata foi central na construção do sistema mundo capitalista e que o direito estatal moderno serviu a instituição desse regime, negando a condição de sujeitos de direito aos escravizados.  O direito moderno legitimou a hegemonia dos senhores de escravos e a inexistência de direitos aos cativos, mas criou as condições necessárias para a insurgência e o devir de resistência do ser escravizado, no âmbito de sua humanidade prorrogada.  Essa resistência é perene diante do avanço das fronteiras do progresso, que invadem os territórios tradicionais ocupados pelos excluídos do direito no sistema capitalista, sobretudo os Negros. Instalam-se conflitos ecológicos distributivos e no âmbito deles as gentes resistem e os massacres acontecem. O racismo, como processo histórico continua. Abstract: The colonial slavery, as a vector of a process of capital organization and the construction of a world system, engenders a perennial disqualification of the Black people and places it on the margins of the Western world, transforming it into a subject of ecological conflicts in the contemporary globalized world distributive, in the fight for their rights. From this and from the perspective of law, it is proposed to reflect on the historical condition of the Negro as a central agent and subject of struggle and resistance in the conformation of capitalism, to re-signify the role of these subjects of law and their struggles in the conflicts originated in the development. An analytical approach is made in the specialized literature on slavery. The ecological conflicts were thought from the political ecology and the racism was approached from the critical philosophy and history. From the results, it is shown that the slave system was central to the construction of the capitalist world system and that modern state law served the institution of this regime, denying the condition of subjects of law to the enslaved. Modern law legitimized the hegemony of the slave owners and the lack of rights to the captives but created the necessary conditions for the insurgency and the becoming of resistance of the enslaved, within the scope of his extended humanity. This resistance is perennial in the face of the advance of the frontiers of progress, which invade the traditional territories occupied by those excluded from law in the capitalist system, especially the Blacks. Distributive ecological conflicts are set up and within them people resist and massacres happen. Racism as a historical process continues.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 69-89
Author(s):  
Ricardo Antonio de Marco ◽  
Gleberson De Santana dos Santos ◽  
Simone Sehnem

The objective of this work is to know the process of strategy formation of HEI in the State from Santa Catarina, under four theoretical approaches: process planned, negotiated, permanent construction and change, from the introduction and impact of LGB 9.394 / 96. In terms of methodology, this research took a quantitative approach, using the survey method. This research is classified methodologically as descriptive, exploratory and explanatory. Constituted questionnaire collection instrument composed of 41 closed and objective questions Likert five points type and two associative tables for respondents to relate in order of importance the conditions for the formation of strategies. The questionnaires were distributed during the period of March and April 2011, at 61 HEIs from Santa Catarina, not getting return of 20 institutions. The data were tabulated and received statistical treatment through the software Statistical Package for the Social Sciences - SPSS version 20.0, making use of multivariate statistics for analysis purposes. The results go back to the process of strategy formation is strongly influenced by the task and the variables of the overall environment and atmosphere that HEIs realize its strategy as supported by the planned training strategies process. This study provided a better understanding of how the strategies in HEIs are formed in the face of environmental conditions and the choices that the leaders make to fulfill their purposes, since their performance has a strong relation with the administrative policies adopted, but mainly because of the implications that the strategic decisions adopted have contributed to its evolution.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-74
Author(s):  
Abdou Barrow

Relationship between state and civil society has been of great interest in the field of social sciences especially in the field of sociology and political science. There have been several theorist that tries to look into this relationship. The aim of this paper is to review the theoretical approaches of Marxist, Elites, and Neo-Consensualist on the relations between state and civil society in nowadays societies. Research are based on literature studies, on conflict perspectives in sociology. These theories are very prominent when talking about state-civil society relationship in sociology. Marxist looks the relationship between the two as conflictual, meaning dominant civil society use the state as an instrument in exploiting the weak economic class. Elites argue the relationship differently from that of Marxist and liberals, as for them, state is run by few individuals at the expense of the mass. In the eye of Neo-Consensualist is entirely a different story, as that of Parson view certain prospectin the social world of constituting the society that is; norms, and values. As for Bellah he sought religion as a mechanism in the spirit of acculturating a kind of doctrine in a sense that, state and citizens go bye. Result for this theoretical views is elites show the relationship different from the Marxist and liberals, as for them the state is run by few individuals at the expense of the mass. This people are a minority group that has influence through economically, socially and the like but in short they have potentials in making things happen. This minority group the called them the elite as the mas they called the ruled.


1985 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 421 ◽  
Author(s):  
James A. Geschwender ◽  
Lucie Cheng ◽  
Edna Bonacich

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