scholarly journals Warriors, pacifists and empires: race and racism in international thought before 1914

2022 ◽  
Vol 98 (1) ◽  
pp. 281-301
Author(s):  
Lucian M Ashworth

Abstract Before 1914 scholars of international thought frequently relied on racist arguments, yet the ways that race was used varied widely from author to author. This article charts the way that race was used by two groups of Anglophone writers. The warriors used biological arguments to construct views of international affairs that relied on racist analysis. Pacifists might have used racist language that relied more on cultural prejudices, and would often base their more progressive views of international affairs on the idea of a civilizing mission. Using A. T. Mahan and Brooks Adams as exemplars of the warrior approach, and Norman Angell and H. N. Brailsford for the pacifists, I argue that race and racism play an important part in international thought before the First World War. This racism was directed at the colonized in the global South, Indigenous peoples in settler colonial states, and Jews in the global North. This use of race and racism in pre-First World War international thought has implications for how we view the development of International Relations today. It is not just statues and stately homes that require a thorough reassessment of attitudes to race, but also our understanding of the progression of ideas in international thought.

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
Валериан Николаев

Статья посвящена биографии одного из первых военных врачей, участника Первой мировой войны из коренных народов Сибири И. Н. Скрябина. Он в 1914 г. окончил медицинский факультет Императорского Томского университета. После окончания был сразу призван на фронт Первой мировой войны. Попал в плен, знание немецкого языка спасло его от расстрела. Вернувшись в Россию, участвовал в Гражданской войне бригадным врачом Уральской дивизии. В 1920 г. вернулся в родную Якутию. Он приложил много сил и энергии, знания и опыт в дело становления здравоохранения и его дальнейшего развития в Якутии. Еще много бы он сделал для здравоохранения, но подорванное войной здоровье прервало его жизнь в возрасте 33 лет 7 декабря 1923 г. в г. Якутске. The article is devoted to the biography of one of the first military doctors, a participant in the First World War from the indigenous peoples of Siberia I.N. Skryabin. In 1914 he graduated from the Medical Faculty of the Imperial Tomsk University. After graduation, he was immediately called up to the front of the First World War. He was captured, knowledge of the German language saved him from being shot. Returning to Russia, he participated in the Civil War as a brigade doctor of the Ural division. In 1920 he returned to his native Yakutia. He put a lot of effort and energy, knowledge and experience into the establishment of healthcare and its further development in Yakutia. He would have done a lot for health care, but his health, undermined by the war, interrupted his life at the age of 33 on December 7, 1923 in Yakutsk


2020 ◽  
pp. 19-46
Author(s):  
Kathryn Ciancia

As the First World War ended, new borderland conflicts erupted in Volhynia. At the Paris Peace Conference, Polish statesmen tapped into broader global ideas of civilization in order to show that the Polish nation had the right to rule Volhynia’s “backward” populations, particularly its Ukrainian-speaking majority. At the same time, Polish nationalist activists in the Borderland Guard (Straż Kresowa) attempted to implement their vision of anti-imperial democracy on the ground. This chapter explores how the Borderland Guard’s activists reconfigured “civilization” in Volhynia’s war-torn, resource-starved, and fractured local communities, where conflict played out along national, social, and economic lines. The contention that there were civilizational hierarchies both between Poles and non-Poles and within the ranks of “Poles” coexisted with rhetoric about national inclusivity. Indeed, hierarchy and exclusion directly emerged from attempts to import a Polish version of democracy into the borderlands.


1991 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guy Alchon

“We are, most of us,” Mary Van Kleeck said in November 1957, “getting too old to talk.” Near the end of more than two hours of interrogation by officials of the State Department's Passport Office, Van Kleeck tried to impress upon her questioners the commitment to social research and to social justice that underlay her career. The Passport Office, however, was more concerned about her Communist front and party affiliations, and she was in their offices that Thursday morning appealing their refusal to renew her passport. She was seventy-three years old and retired from public life. She wanted to travel, as had been her practice, to Holland, her ancestral home and the home of her closest friends. “I date way back of you young people,” she told her two interrogators. “I think the work of my generation and our attitudes in international affairs is one of sympathy … to developments in other countries.” But, she continued, “I don't think you people who don't know the period prior to the First World War can possibly see how deep our concern is.”


Author(s):  
Vanda Wilcox

In August 1915 Italy declared war on the Ottoman Empire. While it sent no troops to the main Allied fronts against the Ottomans, it fought this enemy both at sea and on land, in a form of proxy conflict. Turkey, Germany, and Austria sent funds and army officers to support anti-Italian insurrections both in Cyrenaica and Tripolitania, with varying results; a combination of religious and political motives encouraged the indigenous peoples of Libya to resist Italian control vigorously, in what should be understood as another theatre of the First World War. Examining the actions and objectives of anti-colonial leaders as well as Italian policies and practices help explain the weakness of Italian colonial control in Libya. At one stage Italy feared an Islamic insurrection might also break out in their East African colonies. Anti-colonial resistance, real or feared, placed a great strain on relatively scarce Italian resources which were needed in other theatres.


2013 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 955-976 ◽  
Author(s):  
GIULIANA CHAMEDES

ABSTRACTThe Vatican is often cast as a marginal player in the reshaping of the European international order after the First World War. Drawing on new archival material, this article argues for a reassessment of the content and consequences of papal diplomacy. It focuses on the years between 1917 and 1929, during which time the Vatican used the tools of international law and state-to-state diplomacy to expand its power in both eastern and western Europe. The Vatican's interwar activism sought to disseminate a new Catholic vision of international affairs, which militated against the separation of church and state, and in many contexts helped undermine the principles of the League of Nations’ minority rights regime. Thanks in no small part to the assiduity of individual papal diplomats – who disseminated the new Catholic vision of international affairs by supporting anti-communist political factions – the Vatican was able to claim a more prominent role in European political affairs and lay the legal and discursive foundations for an alternate conception of the European international order, conceived in starkly anti-secular terms.


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