scholarly journals The Relationship between the State and Universities in the Czech Lands 1849–1939

2022 ◽  
Vol 124 ◽  
pp. 181-206
Author(s):  
Lukáš Fasora
Keyword(s):  
Academic Staff ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
Privileged Position ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Day To Day Operations ◽  
The One ◽  
Czech Lands ◽  
The Relationship

This text summarises the results of extensive research into the relationship between the state and universities in 1849–1939, i.e. between the so-called ‘Thun reform’ and the closure of Czech universities by the Nazis. The focus is on the state’s respect for the privileged position of universities and the monitoring of tensions arising from the clash between legislation and the universities’ day-to-day operations, resulting mainly from satisfying the economic needs of universities on the one hand, and the interpretation of the responsibility and discipline of their academic staff towards the state and society on the other. The research shows the advancing erosion of the so-called Prussian (Humboldt’s) concept of an autonomous national-oriented university and the difficult search for a democratic alternative in interwar Central Europe’s unstable political and economic conditions.

Bastard Feudalism and the Framing of Thirteenth-Century England

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Coss
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Twelfth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Great Work ◽  
Early Middle Ages ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

In the introduction to his great work of 2005, Framing the Early Middle Ages, Chris Wickham urged not only the necessity of carefully framing our studies at the outset but also the importance of closely defining the words and concepts that we employ, the avoidance ‘cultural sollipsism’ wherever possible and the need to pay particular attention to continuities and discontinuities. Chris has, of course, followed these precepts on a vast scale. My aim in this chapter is a modest one. I aim to review the framing of thirteenth-century England in terms of two only of Chris’s themes: the aristocracy and the state—and even then primarily in terms of the relationship between the two. By the thirteenth century I mean a long thirteenth century stretching from the period of the Angevin reforms of the later twelfth century on the one hand to the early to mid-fourteenth on the other; the reasons for taking this span will, I hope, become clearer during the course of the chapter, but few would doubt that it has a validity.

scholarly journals Evolution of the Concept of Citizenship in the Islamic Thought: An Analysis

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Osama Sami AL-Nsour
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Past ◽  
Islamic Thought ◽  
State And Society ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Islamic Civilization ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Relationship

The concept of citizenship is one of the pillars upon which the modern civil state was built. The concept of citizenship can be considered as the basic guarantee for both the government and individuals to clarify the relationship between them, since under this right individuals can acquire and apply their rights freely and also based on this right the state can regulate how society members perform the duties imposed on them, which will contributes to the development of the state and society .The term citizenship has been used in a wider perspective, itimplies the nationality of the State where the citizen obtains his civil, political, economic, social, cultural and religious rights and is free to exercise these rights in accordance with the Constitution of the State and the laws governing thereof and without prejudice to the interest. In return, he has an obligation to perform duties vis-à-vis the state so that the state can give him his rights that have been agreed and contracted.This paper seeks to explore firstly, the modern connotation of citizenship where it is based on the idea of rights and duties. Thus the modern ideal of citizenship is based on the relationship between the individual and the state. The Islamic civilization was spanned over fourteen centuries and there were certain laws and regulations governing the relationship between the citizens and the state, this research will try to discover the main differences between the classical concept of citizenship and the modern one, also this research will show us the results of this change in this concept . The research concludes that the new concept of citizenship is correct one and the one that can fit to our contemporary life and the past concept was appropriate for their time but the changes in the world force us to apply and to rethink again about this concept.

scholarly journals Moving Toward Neo-Totalitarianism: A Political-Sociological Analysis of the Evolution of Administrative Absorption of Society in China

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaoguang Kang
Keyword(s):  
Nonprofit Organizations ◽  
Nonprofit Sector ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sociological Analysis ◽  
State Capitalism ◽  
Laws And Policies ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Three Phases

AbstractChina recently promulgated and revised a number of laws, regulations and measures to regulate the nonprofit sector. All these administrative efforts increase support for Chinese nonprofit organizations (NPOs) on the one hand and put unprecedented pressure on them on the other. The seemingly contradictory effects are actually based on the same logic of Administrative Absorption of Society (AAS). This article proposes three phases in the development of AAS: an subconscious phase, a theory-modeling phase, and an institutionalization phase. The institutionalization of AAS has led to the rise of neo-totalitarianism, which is featured by state capitalism, unlimited government, and a mixed ideology of Marxism and Confucianism. Neo-totalitarianism further strengthens AAS and has begun to reshape the relationship between the state and the nonprofit sector. This article analyzes China’s nonprofit policymaking from a sociopolitical perspective, and clarifies the context, the characteristics, and the evolution of laws and policies in the nonprofit sector in macrocosm.

Between ethics and politics: Gramsci's theory of intellectuals

Modern Italy ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 3 (01) ◽  
pp. 67-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Martin
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Modern Conception ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Ethics And Politics

SummaryThis article examines Gramsci's theory of intellectuals in the light of Bauman's distinction between ‘legislators’ and ‘interpreters’. By distinguishing descriptive and prescriptive dimensions to Gramsci's theory, it is possible to see a tension between the dual ethical and political functions that he attributes to ‘organic intellectuals’. In the one, Gramsci effectively deconstructs the intellectual's role as the bearer of universal knowledge, while in the other he reconstructs that role through an emphasis on the revolutionary party. It is argued that the tensions in Gramsci's theory stem from his attachment to a peculiarly modern conception of the relationship between intellectuals, culture and the state.

scholarly journals The cow–calf relationship: from maternal responsiveness to the maternal bond and the possibilities for fostering

2020 ◽  
Vol 87 (S1) ◽  
pp. 101-107
Author(s):  
John P. Kent
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Maternal Responsiveness ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Maternal Bond ◽  
Cow Calf ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Maternal Relationship

AbstractThe relationship between the cow and calf develops over time after birth. The behavioural mechanisms underlying its development are important and comparisons with other species may increase our understanding. In nature the cow will separate herself from the herd to give birth and then the cow–calf relationship will develop with the ability to recognise each other. While twinning levels are low in cows, they do rear their twin calves. If the calf is lost at or after birth the cow can be responsive towards other calves and in specific circumstances the cow can develop a maternal bond with an alien calf, i.e. foster. In this Research Reflection a distinction is made between the development of, on the one hand, maternal responsiveness (the tendency of the cow to care for a calf which occurs before birth) and, on the other hand, the development of the maternal–filial bond or relationship which is reciprocal, occurs after birth and is characterised by the ability to discriminate the mother's own calf from alien calves. These processes can overlap and the relationship between cow and calf in this ‘hider’ species is more plastic than in some other mammals. For example, a cow might form an attachment with an alien calf before she gives birth. After the cow has given birth the loss of her own calf may result in the state of maternal responsiveness being maintained, such that developing a maternal bond with one or several appropriate alien calves is possible. Viable fostering techniques are possible. If a maternal relationship to the mother's own calf has developed then fostering will be more difficult. If the cow's relationship with her own calf is not exclusive, and she is in a state of maternal responsiveness then fostering of calves of an appropriate age and status can be achieved.

scholarly journals Towards an Integrated, Liberal Theory of the Canadian State

2005 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 1057-1092
Author(s):  
Shannon Kathleen O’Byrne
Keyword(s):  
Common Law ◽  
State Institution ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Liberal Theory ◽  
Public Power ◽  
Political Perspective ◽  
State And Society ◽  
The One ◽  
Relationship Of

In this article, the author challenges the tendency in common law Canada to conflate the distinction between State and society. Following the analysis of Kenneth Dyson, the author contends that the State occupies a distinct sphere produced by or contained in the interconstitutive relationship of State institution, on the one hand, and State idea, on the other. The State concept is presented as neither merely active nor merely passive but as involving a relationship between action and reflection, between institution and idea. The author then analyses the broadly shared public values which are contained in the Canadian State idea when viewedfrom a liberal political perspective. That these values incrementally modulate the exercise of public power — and vice versa — argues for a State-society distinction which is not generally emphasized in common law Canada.

scholarly journals Ethnic Politics, Political Corruption and Poverty: Perspectives on Contending Issues and Nigeria's Democratization Process

2009 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-151
Author(s):  
Dewale Adewale Yagboyaju
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
Ethnic Politics ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
African Politics ◽  
Social Categories ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

It is common to interpret African politics in tribal or ethnic terms. In the case of Nigeria, the dominant political behaviour can be defined, on the one hand, in terms of “incessant pressures on the state and the consequent fragmentation or prebendalizing of state-power” (Joseph, 1991:5). On the other hand, such practices can also be related to “a certain articulation of the factors of class and ethnicity” (ibid). For a better understanding of the essentials of Nigerian politics and its dynamics, it is necessary to develop a clearer perspective on the relationship between the two social categories mentioned above and their effects on such issues as political corruption and poverty.

The periodization of the relations between Dzungaria and Tibet in the first half of the 18th century.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-95
Author(s):  
Baatr U. Kitinov ◽  
Liu Qiang
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Dalai Lama ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
Three Stages ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

The authors examine the relationship between Dzungaria and Tibet in the first half of the 18th century. A whole series of events that happened in these countries coincide chronologically in a rather surprising way. The authors highlight the important events of this period: the seizure of Lhasa by the Dzungars in 1717–1720, the uprising of the Kukunor Khoshuts in 1723–1724, the development of Dzungar-Tibetan relations in the second quarter of the 18th century. They stress the Galdan-Tsereng’s embassy to the Dalai-lama in 1742/1743, the event, which was mentioned even in the Russian archival documents. Besides, they pay special attention to the activities of the main leaders, such as Dzungarian hungtaiji: Tsewang-Rabdan, Galdan-Tsereng; Tibetan rulers: rgyal-po Lhawzang, miwang Pholanay, the Dalai-lamas Sixth and Seventh; the Qing emperors: Kangxi, Yongzheng, Qianlong. They quote the letters exchanged between the Qing emperors, on the one hand, and the Dzungar (and Khoshut) leaders, on the other. The authors concluded that the relations between Dzungaria and Tibet during the first half of the 18th century could be subdivided into three stages (1703–1717; 1717–1727; 1727–1745/1750, each with its peaks). These relations, as well as their development, largely depended on the state of the relations between the dynasty of Qing and Tibet, especially the imperial policy towards Dzungaria.

scholarly journals Registering Muslim Marriages: Penghulu, Modin, and the Struggles for Influence

2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 397-424
Author(s):  
Muhammad Latif Fauzi
Keyword(s):  
Participant Observation ◽  
Document Analysis ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Legal Norm ◽  
State Agency ◽  
State Recognition ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Intermediary Role ◽  
The Relationship

This article deals with the position of penghulu and modin and examines how they struggle for influence in the context of marriage registration. Materials of this article result from my ethnography in a village in East Java in 2017. I did interviews, participant observation and document analysis and applied the “state-in-society” approach to analyse the finding. In this article, I suggest that to maintain their influence, penghulu tend not to present themselves as ulama although their identity as a religious authority is highly important. Instead, penghulu identify themselves as the state agency by materialising their authority to provide state recognition of Muslim marriages into the resource of power. On the other hand, modin play important roles in bridging the relationship between the state and society. Modin find themselves subject to compromise between competing legal orders so that they sometimes need to produce an alternative legal norm to make their intermediary role possible. [Artikel ini mendiskusikan posisi penghulu dan modin serta melihat bagaimana mereka berjuang untuk berebut pengaruh di masyarakat dalam hal pencatatan perkawinan. Bahan-bahan artikel ini diperoleh dari etnografi yang saya lakukan di sebuah desa di Jawa Timur pada tahun 2017. Saya melakukan wawancara, observasi partisipatif, dan analisis dokumen serta menggunakan pendekatan “state-in-society” untuk menganalisa temuan lapangan. Saya menyimpulkan bahwa untuk mempertahankan pengaruhnya, penghulu cenderung tidak menampilkan dirinya sebagai ulama meskipun identitas mereka sebagai otoritas agama tetap penting. Sebaliknya, mereka mengidentifikasi diri mereka sebagai agen negara dengan mentransformasi otoritas untuk memberikan pengakuan negara atas perkawinan sebagai sumber kekuasaan. Selain itu, modin memiliki peran penting dalam menjembatani hubungan negara dan masyarakat. Modin berada dalam situasi kompetisi antar norma hukum sehingga terkadang perlu untuk membuat norma hukum alternatif untuk mempertahankan posisi mereka.

scholarly journals From a Search for Rangatiratanga to a Struggle for Survival - Criminal Justice, the State and Māori, 1985 to 2015. The 2015 JD Stout Lecture

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kim Workman
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Criminal Justice System ◽  
Justice System ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Youth Justice ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

In this presentation, I consider not only the relationship between Māori and the state, but the response of key criminal justice agencies to the surge of Māori confidence in the 1970’s and 80’s, and desire to take control of their own destiny – the Māori renaissance as it became known.  How did the Police, the prisons and the youth justice system respond to this call for rangatiratanga?  How easily did it respond to the idea that Māori, far from being passive recipients of the criminal justice system, wanted a piece of the action? How well did the operational reality meld with, on the one hand, the state’s vision of a bicultural nation, and on the other, the Māori vision for a measure of autonomy, a rangatiratanga not realised in any earlier constitutional or political arrangements?

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