scholarly journals The Inter-American Rule of Law in South American constitutionalism

2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (88) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Carolina Cyrillo ◽  
Édgar Hérnan Fuentes-Contreras ◽  
Siddharta Legale

The objective of this text is to present the modification of the conception of Rule of Law in the South America constitutionalism, from the dialogue and synergy between the Inter-American System of Human Rights and the new constitutions that emerged after dictatorships, authoritarian regimes, and internal wars, taking Operation Condor as a clandestine inter-American system or as unconventional status quo. We problematize how it is possible to speak of "Inter-American Rule of Law", which means the reconstruction of that State compatible with the ACHR in the Legislative, Executive and Judiciary spheres, as well the conventionality control and the standards emanating from the IACourtHR to laws, public policies, and national court decisions. Therefore, we defend the thesis that this dialogue can be the key to access the engine room of the constitutions, with the pro persona principle. The methodology used was a theoretical and normative approach, from a hypothetical deductive perspective and prioritizing as sources the bibliography and the caselaw of the IACourtHR.

Author(s):  
Mariіa Konstantinovna Kulava

Within the presented article, taking into account already existing achievements of scientists, the concept, the main features of the principles of state administration of the executive system of Ukraine are defined. The principles of activity of executive bodies bodies according to the current legislation of Ukraine are determined. A brief description of the principles is presented, namely: the rule of law, legality, compulsory, independence, justice, impartiality and objectivity, discretion, transparency and openness of executive proceedings and its fixation by technical means, the reasonableness of the time limits for enforcement proceedings, the proportionality of enforcement measures and the amount of claims for decisions, the right to appeal decisions, actions or omissions of state executives, private performers. It is established that in general the principles of executive proceedings in the investigated normative acts are duplicated, in addition to the principles of independence and the right to appeal decisions, actions or inaction of state executives, private performers. The actual vision of the principles of public administration of the executive system of Ukraine is determined. The opinion on the need to supplement the list of principles with the following: the principle of equal competition between state and private performers through the balance between them; the principle of responsibility of the executive system bodies, their officials and private executors for damage caused as a result of violations of regulatory requirements; the principle of introducing effective incentives for voluntary implementation of decisions; the principle of professionalism and competence. Also, within the submitted article, it is stated that the use of the terms “principles” and “principles” in the Laws of Ukraine “On Bodies and Officials Performing Enforcement of Court Decisions and Decisions of Other Bodies”, “On Enforcement Proceedings”, which are adopted simultaneously and regulated, are unjustified, identical social relations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-100
Author(s):  
Andraž Teršek

Abstract The central objective of the post-socialist European countries which are also Member States of the EU and Council of Europe, as proclaimed and enshrined in their constitutions before their official independence, is the establishment of a democracy based on the rule of law and effective legal protection of fundamental human rights and freedoms. In this article the author explains what, in his opinion, is the main problem and why these goals are still not sufficiently achieved: the ruthless simplification of the understanding of the social function and functioning of constitutional courts, which is narrow, rigid and holistically focused primarily or exclusively on the question of whether the judges of these courts are “left or right” in purely daily-political sense, and consequently, whether constitutional court decisions are taken (described, understood) as either “left or right” in purely and shallow daily-party-political sense/manner. With nothing else between and no other foundation. The author describes such rhetoric, this kind of superficial labeling/marking, such an approach towards constitutional law-making as a matter of unbearable and unthinking simplicity, and introduces the term A Populist Monster. The reasons that have led to the problem of this kind of populism and its devastating effects on the quality and development of constitutional democracy and the rule of law are analyzed clearly and critically.


Author(s):  
Pál Sonnevend

AbstractModern constitutionalism is based on the paradigm that courts are inherently entitled and obliged to enforce the constitution of the respective polity. This responsibility of courts also applies in the context of the European Union to both the CJEU and national constitutional courts. The present chapter argues that in the face of constitutional crises the CJEU and the Hungarian Constitutional Court shy away from applying the law as it is to the full. The reasons behind this unwarranted judicial self-restraint are most different: the CJEU aims to avoid conflicts with national constitutional courts whereas the Hungarian Constitutional Court has been facing a legislative power also acting as constitution making power willing to amend the constitution to achieve specific legislative purposes or to undo previous constitutional court decisions. Yet both courts respond to expediencies that do not follow from the law they are called upon to apply. It is argued that rule of law backsliding requires these courts to abandon the unnecessary self-restraint and exploit the means already available.


Author(s):  
Stephen G. Rabe

This chapter examines the grotesque policies of the military commanders of Argentina and Chile. Argentina emulated its South American neighbors when the military seized power in March of 1976. Argentina's military rulers thought it would be in the nation's best interest to eliminate 50,000 Argentines. Secretary Henry Kissinger was made aware of the Argentine military's campaign of mass murder by U.S. officials in Washington and Buenos Aires. His aides further warned him that Argentina's murderers and torturers targeted Argentina's Jewish population. The chapter then looks at Secretary Kissinger's response to Operation Condor, a conspiracy of South American military dictatorships that perpetrated international assassinations and terrorism.


Author(s):  
Blackaby Nigel ◽  
Partasides Constantine ◽  
Redfern Alan ◽  
Hunter Martin

This chapter examines the role that national courts play at the beginning, during, and end of arbitration proceedings. Arbitration is dependent on the support of the courts, which alone have the power to intercede when one party seeks to sabotage proceedings. This intervention may be possible at the beginning of the arbitral process in the context of the enforcement of the arbitration agreement, the establishment of the tribunal, and challenges to jurisdiction. National courts may also intervene during proceedings: it may be necessary for the arbitral tribunal or a national court to issue orders intended to preserve evidence, to protect assets, or in some other way to maintain the status quo pending the outcome of the arbitration. Under the UNCITRAL Rules and Model Law, such orders are called ‘interim measures’. The chapter also describes how national courts exercise judicial control over the resulting award.


Author(s):  
Greg Sasso ◽  
Gleason Judd

Abstract How does the Rule of Four affect Supreme Court decisions? We show two effects of changing a “hearing pivot” justice who is decisive for case selection. First, a court with more extreme hearing pivots will hear cases with more moderate precedents. For example, as the conservative hearing pivot becomes more extreme, the court hears a broader range of cases with liberal status quo precedents. Second, more extreme hearing pivots shrink dispositional majorities and lead to more polarized rulings. If the median justice becomes more extreme without changing the hearing pivots, then rulings are more extreme. The effect on the range of cases heard, however, is smaller than that from changing hearing pivots. Finally, we show that case selection can also depend on non-median, non-hearing-pivot justices. Replacing an extreme justice with someone even more extreme can lead to a smaller set of heard cases, as final rulings can shift away from the binding hearing pivot, making status quo precedents more appealing.


1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 155-200
Author(s):  
José Luis Simón G.

Paraguay and its closest neighbors, the Rio Plata Basin from one point of view or the Southern Cone from another, have experienced an increasing challenge from the drug traffic in recent years. Initially, everything linked to drug use and traffic was considered—in general, much oversimplified terms — mainly as the social problem of a rich society, primarily that of the United States. The South American countries, preoccupied with surviving the blows of the “lost decade” while trying, simultaneously, both to throw off authoritarian regimes in terminal crisis and to negotiate transitions from democracy, assumed this problem could not affect them. In any event, that aspect of the drug trade which concerned the countries of South America above all was the growing tragedy of Colombia, which was just beginning to make headlines in the world press.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 681-699 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Manuel Álvarez Zárate ◽  
Rebecca Pendleton

In 2008, Ecuador raised the need for the creation of an alternative dispute resolution mechanism within the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). Any system of investment arbitration should comply with democratic principles and the international rule of law which provide predictability, transparency and legitimacy for arbitral decisions and thus should avoid political and economic bias. This article shows Latin America’s historical inclination towards arbitration and focuses on the 2014 UNASUR Project’s proposed method of appointment and disqualification of arbitrators, and its approach to the execution of awards. By way of comparison with International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) tribunals, the article goes on to suggest how an application of the international rule of law could help guide and structure arbitrators’ behaviours in the proposed UNASUR Project as well as under the current ICSID framework to avoid arbitrators’ deviation from the law and prevent their creative, independent interpretations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-153
Author(s):  
Gamze Ovacik

The term, de facto detention, refers to instances in which foreigners are held or deprived of their liberty usually with a view to preventing their entry into a country or expelling them from a country, but without implementing a legally prescribed detention regime that satisfies the criteria of the rule of law. The first type of de facto detention occurs when provisions regulating detention are absent or deficient in the legal framework. The second type takes place when domestic law sufficiently regulates detention regimes; however, the law is not duly implemented in practice. This article examines judicial practices in Turkey in both categories of de facto detention, analysing 37 Turkish court decisions with supporting case law from the European Court of Human Rights. Focusing on case law makes it possible both to track deficiencies in administrative practices and to analyse judicial response as a tool for rectifying unlawful administrative practices.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 766
Author(s):  
Pan Mohamad Faiz

Nowadays there is a tendency in many countries to protect the environment by incorporating general principles of environment into a state or a regional constitution. This article aims to examine the extent to which environmental protection can be provided through the adoption of those constitutional norms. This study was conducted using a qualitative methodology with a normative approach and library research derived from court decisions, law and regulations, books and journal articles. It concludes that the Indonesian Constitution contains constitutional norms for the environmental protection. However, these constitutional norms are still positioned as a subsidiary or supporting factor in the fulfillment of human rights and the national economy. In order to strengthen the environmental protection by the Indonesian Constitution, it requires a reformulation of related constitutional norms by positioning the environment more as the basic values in the state administration and national economic activities.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document