The Roots and Evolution of Nationalism in Indonesia

ABSTRACT The emergence of nationalism in Indonesia began at the dawn of the twentieth century, which ultimately led to the birth a new nation-state in 1949. The seeds of national consciousness were sown, and roots of Indonesian nationalism reached its apex during the Revolution (1945-49), manifesting most profoundly in the fight against the oppression of Dutch colonialism. The Revolution was central to the Indonesian republic’s perception of itself and has been influential in fostering nationalism during the post-independence period. This article examines the roots and evolution as well as dynamics and manifestations of Indonesian nationalism, throughout the different phases of Indonesia’s modern history. In doing so, it addresses three salient questions, namely i) how the seeds of national consciousness were sown; ii) what were the underlying factors/dynamics shaping the nature and development of nationalism; and iii) how nationalism and nationhood manifested in a geographically divided, ethno-culturally diverse state like Indonesia, whose citizenry has remained strongly attached to their traditional ethnological and adat communities. Emphasis is given to both stateoriented and popular manifestations of Indonesian nationalism, to highlight the state/elite-centric nature, and populist drive behind its discourses, agenda, and manifestations. Keywords: Indonesia; nationalism; national identity; state nationalism; popular nationalism

Cadre parents and their entrepreneur children? The dual-track intergenerational reproduction of elites in China: 1978–2010

This article documents and conceptualizes a mode of reproduction of elites in a society in transition from state domination to market orientation. By focusing on China’ marketization, we explore how parents’ advantageous backgrounds have influenced the chance of their children’s attainment of certain elite positions (administrative, technocratic, or market) and whether these patterns have varied across three periods (1978–1992, 1993–2002, and 2003–2010). Using data obtained from the 2011 China Social Survey, we find that although parents’ advantageous status has a persistent effect on children’s status attainment, the reproduction of the state elite and market elite still follows two separate tracks: the children of cadres do not show significant advantage in the process of becoming entrepreneurs and managerial elites, and the children of entrepreneurial and managerial elites are less likely to join cadres. We also find that the effects of the reproduction model are still enhanced and shaped by state power in different periods. These findings demonstrate the important interplay between family background and contextual inequality and give a deeper understanding of the different trajectories of elites in contemporary China.

Toronto’s Not-So-“Smart” City: Dismantling the Tech Utopia & Building Stronger Communities

This thesis critically analyzes the dominant discourse, actors, and technologies associated with the Sidewalk Toronto smart city project to uncover and resist the potential dangers of the unregulated smart city. Drawing from gray and scholarly literature alongside four semistructured interviews and three action research methods, this research shows that smart cities and technologies are the latest iteration of corporate power, exploitation, and control. Imbued with neoliberal, colonial, and positivistic logics, the smart city risks further eroding democracy, privacy, and equity in favour of promoting privatization, surveillance, and an increased concentration of power and wealth among corporate and state elite. While the publicized promise of the smart city may continuously shift to reflect and co-opt oppositional narratives, its logics remain static, and its beneficiaries remain few. Applying a social justice-oriented lens which connects critical theory, postmodernism, poststructuralism, intersectional feminism, and anticolonial methodologies is crucial in reconceptualizing “smartness” and prioritizing public good.

Toronto’s Not-So-“Smart” City: Dismantling the Tech Utopia & Building Stronger Communities

This thesis critically analyzes the dominant discourse, actors, and technologies associated with the Sidewalk Toronto smart city project to uncover and resist the potential dangers of the unregulated smart city. Drawing from gray and scholarly literature alongside four semistructured interviews and three action research methods, this research shows that smart cities and technologies are the latest iteration of corporate power, exploitation, and control. Imbued with neoliberal, colonial, and positivistic logics, the smart city risks further eroding democracy, privacy, and equity in favour of promoting privatization, surveillance, and an increased concentration of power and wealth among corporate and state elite. While the publicized promise of the smart city may continuously shift to reflect and co-opt oppositional narratives, its logics remain static, and its beneficiaries remain few. Applying a social justice-oriented lens which connects critical theory, postmodernism, poststructuralism, intersectional feminism, and anticolonial methodologies is crucial in reconceptualizing “smartness” and prioritizing public good.

The Armenian massacre of 1895 in Bitlis Town

This article explores the Bitlis massacre of 1895 and its aftermath with a particular focus on the role of local actors and Ottoman state elite in shaping the unfolding of this event. Through an in-depth examination of archival documents, it emphasizes the importance of local networks and dynamics in shaping the developments on the ground. Exploring the differences in the approaches of local and central Ottoman officials and political elites towards the treatment of the initiators of the massacre, the article reveals that there were explicit disputes among Ottoman authorities which were seemingly resolved after the Sultan Abdülhamid II imposed his will and ensured total impunity for the local perpetrators. Abstract in Kurmanji Komkujiya Ermeniyan ya di sala 1895an ya li Bedlîsê. Ev gotar li ser sê nuqsaniyên sereke yê vekolînên mewcûd yê li ser Hizbilla hûr dibe ku, ew rêxistineke îslamî ye û di salên 90’î de li Tirkiyê di fehliyetê de bû: kêmasiya dîrokîkirina boçûna Hizbilla û endamên wê, kêmasiya lêfikirîna li ser rehenda mekanî ya belvabûna wê û tunebûna vekolînên bingehîn yê ku li ser wî tiştî bisekine ku were fêm kirin bê ev rêxistin di warê herêmî de çawa dixebitî. Gotar bûyerên li Farqîna Amedê qewimîne wek mînakekê digre û repertuara kiryarên Hizbilla, yê di bin siya dewletê de bûn, lêpirsîn û analîz dike. Wê heta çi radeyê li mekanên cûda, zora xwe dabû qebûl kirin, hedefên wê çi bûn, û fêmkirina wê ya cîhanê çawa bû? Ev xebat îddia dike ku ev tîrbûn û zêdebûna şiddeta PKK-Hizbilla tê wê wateyê ku bi vê pevçûnê di dîroka pevçûnên di navebera Kurdan de şêweyeke pevçûnê ya bi temamî nû afirî. Abstract in Sorani Komellkujî ermenîyekanî şaroçkey bîtlîs le sallî 1895 Em witare sernic dexate ser sê sinûrdarî serekî ke le twêjînewekanî êsta leser hîzbulla hen, ke rêkxirawêkî îslamîye le deyey 1990 da le turkya çalak bû: kêmasî bedîrok kirdnî rêçkey hîzbulla w endamekanî; kêmasî le leberçawgirtnî rehendî cêgeyî billawbûnewey hîzbulla we 'xiyabî twêjîneweyekî binerretî derbarey çonîyetî karkirdnî rêkxiraweke le astî lokallîda. Be leberçawgirtinî keysî sîlvan, ke şaroçkeyekî biçukî parêzgay diyarbekre, babeteke le kerestey karekanî hîzbulla lesêberî dewlletda dekollêtewe legell radey ew zoremilêkirdney le şwêne ciyawazekanda encamî dawe, amancekanî we têrrwanînî bo cîhan. Perraweke argumêntî ewe dekat ke degutrêt tundrrewî û çirrî tundutîjî pekeke-hîzbulla derbirrîne bo derkewtinî corêkî tewaw niwêy milmilanêy nawxoy-kurd lenaw mêjûy milmilanêy dûrudirêjî nawxoyî kurdîda. Abstract in Zazaki Qirkerdişê Armenîyan ê 1895î yê Şaristanê Bidlisî Na meqale giranî dana hîrê kêmasîyanê bingeyênan ser ke no dem cigêrayîşê derheqê Hîzbullahî de, rêxistinêka Tirkîya ya îslamîste ke serranê 1990an de fealîyet kerdêne, estê: kêmîbîyayîşê tarîxkerdişê raygehê Hîzbullah û endamanê ci, kêmîhesibnayîşê rehendê cayî yê vilabîyayîşê ci û kêmbîyayîşê cigêrayîşanê bibingeyan derheqê gureyayîşê ci yê hêremî de. Bi nimûneyê Sîlvanî, şaristanêkê qezaya Dîyarbekirî yo qij, na meqale repertuarê Hîzbullahî yê aksîyonî binê sîya dewlete de, dereceya îcbarî ke Hîzbullah cayanê cîya-cîyayan de reşto ci, hedefê Hîzbullahî û fehmkerdişê Hîzbullahî yê dinya, înan ser o cigêrayîş û analîz kena. Nuşte de munaqeşe beno ke zereyê tarîxê dergî yê lejanê mîyankurdkîyan de ekstremî û giranîya şîdetê PKK-Hîzbullahî kerd ke tewirêkê lejê mîyankurdkî yo nîp-newe vejîyo meydan.

An Ontology of Land Beyond State-Capital Formations

This chapter looks at successful cases in which people have reclaimed land under dispute and highlights prospects for land and property relations that move beyond the primacy of state-capital formations and the idea of a singular social contract between citizens and an unaccountable state system. It outlines an alternative feminist ontology of land that seeks to re-establish the agency of nature through building a human relationship with lands and resources beyond the imperatives of commodification. It also describes how the long shadow of the repressive state shaped how mobilization developed in Cambodia. The chapter analyzes people's attempts to hold onto the traces of the land reform by mobilizing their land titles, survey receipts, and the promises of the reform in their direct appeals to the powerful state elite. It discusses the resistance among collectives of rural people that are fractured between those who received land title and those who did not.

Social elevator as a means of rotation of government employee

The article is a study of reforming the civil service of Ukraine in terms of implementing an innovative approach to the selection of specialists. Various interpretations of the concept of "social ladder" and the prerequisites for the relevance of its introduction are considered. The peculiarities of the introduction of thesocial ladder on the Ukrainian labor market are noted. The importance of the following the certain steps in the implementation of the new strategy for the selection of civil servants was stressed. Emphasis is placed on the existing problems that hinder the introduction of the "social ladder" in the Ukrainian reality. The role of the state elite in preventing the full functioning of the social ladder as a tool for updating the professionals involved and creating obstacles to achieving certain goals is noted. Emphasis is placed on the expediency of ensuring the quality functioning of the social ladder in the Ukrainian civil service as a guarantor of European integration ambitions.