caste system
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2022 ◽  
pp. 228-246
Author(s):  
Ali Saha

The caste system, which prescribed punishments for Dalits, is slowly eroding, but the atrocities against Dalits continue on a scale that makes Dalit travails seem extreme. Previous scholars have argued such oppression because of the lack of proper representation of Dalit atrocities in the mainstream media and space for Dalits to voice their concerns. In a networked society, Dalits are creating identities on online spaces. This chapter, hence, discusses Dalit empowerment from the lens of media literacy through a case study approach. Three case studies have been analysed and conceptualised along the lines of media literacy and networked society. Overall, this study reflects that media literacy assists streamlined development of the culture and ideologies with media, creative and communicative abilities, and critical thinking. Considering the absence of regulations or policies to ‘media educate' the school students, especially the minorities, this research creates an awareness and helps in policy establishment aimed towards implementing media literacy education curricula.


2021 ◽  
pp. 2455328X2110393
Author(s):  
Nibedita Priyadarsini ◽  
Satya Swaroop Panda

Indian society is entrenched in graded inequality with the continuity of Brahminical order among the Hindu caste. The Ambedkarite perspective of graded inequality paves the way towards the possibility of a critical examination of the discourse based on a prospective theorization of the caste patriarchy having its epistemological origin in the ideas propounded by Mahatma Jyoti Rao Phoole and Dr B. R. Ambedkar. The article seeks to explore the potential of such a theorization emerging from the predominant practices in Indian caste society that are pervasive across the communities with respect to the dehumanization of Dalit women in their everyday life. The article also focuses upon the strength of such a stand-point which would not only form the basis of an alternate academic discourse but also contribute towards the agenda of Dalit women collective in envisaging their role in terms of self-identity embedded with critical consciousness. The multiplicity of vulnerabilities of being a Dalit and a woman reflects the way the Dalit women get dehumanized in a number of cases, and they are often considered a gateway to the caste system. There is an emerging need of such theorization based on experiential learning along with the realization of its importance in defining the base of a radical sociopolitical alternative championing the ideological principles of a Phoole–Ambedkarite perspective.


Author(s):  
Priti Gupta

The exploitation of Musahars women has been closely linked with the question of land and it exposes three different systems of women's exploitation within the agrarian economy – The wage system, the loan system, and the working hour monopoly. This paper analyzes these three systems of women's exploitation, the semi-feudal and the semi-capitalist social structure in reference to the case of Kuria village of Bihar. Using a case study as a method, the paper has a key objective to find out the pattern of Musahars exploitation by looking at different aspects of existing social conditions. The caste system, in this, will be treated as the primary force of exploitation in the agrarian community.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-234
Author(s):  
Rajesh Sampath

This article forms part III of a running commentary on Ambedkar’s posthumously published “Philosophy of History” (Ambedkar, 2014a). We attempt to follow Ambedkar’s reflections on the early origins of religion and his initial distinctions of the religions of “savage society” and “civilized society” (Ambedkar, 2014a, p. 9). Using the tools of philosophical critique, we see his attempt to dissect the real “principal” (Ambedkar, 2014a, p. 10) of religion beyond the apparitional nature of rites, rituals, and taboos. This leads to a series of deductions of what constitutes the very “core,” “source,” and “substance” of religion rooted in the “preservation of life” (Ambedkar, 2014a, p. 10). However, this is also a moment that will foreshadow Ambedkar’s ultimate judgement of Hinduism’s status as a religion when founded on the unequal social structure of caste. We argue the following in this article: what Ambedkar says about the architectonic of “savage society” and the failure to undergo a profound revolution in the nature and concept of religion bears an eerie resemblance to what ultimately takes the place of “savage society” (Ambedkar, 2014a, p. 9) over time, namely the Hindu caste system. This makes modern Hinduism a strange hybrid of pre-history and a future history whose conclusion is uncertain. Whether caste can disappear from society is the burning question. And this is intertwined with profound metaphysical questions of time, life, birth, and death, which only philosophy can deconstruct if a religion, like Hinduism, were submitted for critical judgement. The article concludes with an attempt to set the stage for the next phase of the commentary: there Ambedkar will transition from a general discussion about the philosophy and history of religion as a concept to an actual engagement with the philosophical contents of the religion known and practiced by hundreds of millions of adherents as Hinduism. As we already know, his conclusion is dire: a religion can only be true if it is rooted in ‘justice’ and serves the ‘utility’ of individual freedom (Ambedkar, 2014a, p. 22).


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Angus Lindsay

<p>This thesis explores the online ‘manosphere’ subculture of Involuntary Celibates (Incels). Incels have been widely discussed in contemporary media in recent years and have been cited as harmful after several mass-murders and attacks have taken place offline. Previous academic research has largely focused on individual-level explanations for Incel mass-murderers, with few studies seeking to uncover the structural determinants of the rise of Incels. This thesis attempts to fill this gap, exploring the subculture’s negotiation with the changing features of contemporary society. The study utilised internet-based qualitative research methods over a period of three-months to collect data on two Incel forums: r/Braincels and Incels.co. The data was then interpreted through thematic analysis within a constructivist grounded theory approach. The research found that Incels negotiate their anxieties of a rapidly changing globalised world with a sense of victimisation and ‘aggrieved entitlement’ through a worldview that understands society as set up to economically, socially, and sexually favour women. It was also found that through such a sense of entitlement, Incels conceive of a hetero-patriarchal racial caste-system that relies on uncritical readings of selected biological and evolutionary psychological studies. This worldview is known as the ‘Black Pill’ and is employed to ideologically condition Incels against out-groups. Through a shared mythology of victimisation, the Incel ideology of the Black Pill functions to produce a form of ‘stochastic terrorism’ in which individual users interpret the spectrum of beliefs from enacting online gender-based hate-speech to mass violence in the terrestrial world. This thesis presents understandings that could inform future educational programs in critical literacy skills that aim to dismantle the conceptual apparatus that feeds the ideologically charged hatred of groups like Incels.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Angus Lindsay

<p>This thesis explores the online ‘manosphere’ subculture of Involuntary Celibates (Incels). Incels have been widely discussed in contemporary media in recent years and have been cited as harmful after several mass-murders and attacks have taken place offline. Previous academic research has largely focused on individual-level explanations for Incel mass-murderers, with few studies seeking to uncover the structural determinants of the rise of Incels. This thesis attempts to fill this gap, exploring the subculture’s negotiation with the changing features of contemporary society. The study utilised internet-based qualitative research methods over a period of three-months to collect data on two Incel forums: r/Braincels and Incels.co. The data was then interpreted through thematic analysis within a constructivist grounded theory approach. The research found that Incels negotiate their anxieties of a rapidly changing globalised world with a sense of victimisation and ‘aggrieved entitlement’ through a worldview that understands society as set up to economically, socially, and sexually favour women. It was also found that through such a sense of entitlement, Incels conceive of a hetero-patriarchal racial caste-system that relies on uncritical readings of selected biological and evolutionary psychological studies. This worldview is known as the ‘Black Pill’ and is employed to ideologically condition Incels against out-groups. Through a shared mythology of victimisation, the Incel ideology of the Black Pill functions to produce a form of ‘stochastic terrorism’ in which individual users interpret the spectrum of beliefs from enacting online gender-based hate-speech to mass violence in the terrestrial world. This thesis presents understandings that could inform future educational programs in critical literacy skills that aim to dismantle the conceptual apparatus that feeds the ideologically charged hatred of groups like Incels.</p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 2455328X2110267
Author(s):  
Isha Tamta

The caste system in India got transformed as a consequence of the policies of the British Raj. The introduction of the census under the colonial government, among other things, made the most direct impact because for the first time the castes have been enumerated with great details. As a result, castes immediately not only organized themselves but also formed caste associations in order to get their status recorded in the way they thought was honourable to them. Caste associations emerged over the period to pressurize the colonial administration to improve their rank in the census. This process was especially prevalent among the lower castes in different parts of India. Shilpakar Mahashaba was a case in point in Uttarakhand. Shilpakar Mahasabha claimed new advantages from the state like reservations (quotas) in educational institutions and in the civil service. Subsequently, they also became mutual aid structures. Shilpakar Mahasabha founded schools and hostels for the children of Shilpakars and led a sort of co-operative movement. Some have argued that caste associations acted like a collective enterprise with economic, social and political objectives for their caste.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002198942110490
Author(s):  
Surya Simon

This interview with Dr Aravind Malagatti and Dr Dharani Devi Malagatti, conducted in Mysore, India, in April 2019, was one of several interviews I conducted for my doctoral thesis that examines caste system and Dalit struggles in the context of India. Dr Aravind Malagatti has contributed more than sixty books to Kannada literature, out of which his autobiography, Government Brahmana published in 1994 is considered the first Dalit autobiography in Kannada ( Government Brahmana, 2007). It was translated and published in English in 2007, and Dr Dharani Devi Malagatti is one of the three translators who translated the work. In this interview, Government Brahmana is discussed as a springboard to understand the social, economic, religious, political and legal aspects of caste and its practices in modern India. Dr Aravind Malagatti provides anecdotes to explain the significance of Dalit consciousness, what it entails and who can possess it. His responses are powerful statements calling for mutual change and progress for Dalits and non-Dalits. Dr Dharani Devi Malagatti talks about the challenges of translating the radical aesthetics of Dalit personal narratives as well as the scope and possibilities offered through translation. The interview explores the undertones of patriotism in Dalit identity, and the synthesis of individual and collective consciousness.


Author(s):  
Sumanta Bhattacharya ◽  
Bhavneet Kaur Sachdev

In India the wealth is in the hands of 1 % of the population which constitute the rich people of the society and 90 % of the people live below poverty line and rest are middle class people. From being the richest civilisation today, India is one of the poorest country. India has the second biggest population which is one of the major reason for poverty followed by which we have massive illiterate people in India, India was once the richest country and had the highest GDP because all the people in India were educated and earned a good amount, there was no system of reservation or caste system or gender based discrimination in imparting education to its people, which is dominating the present education system followed by the issue of language, lack of employment and health acre provisions, poor agriculture investment in the country, we have seen a rise in farmer suicide due to poverty, the Human Development Index has remained the same since 2015 and we have seen a decline in GDP after demonetisation which has contributed to lost of jobs for around 40,000 people. The present situation is worst, where we have complete lockdown due to COVID and people are dying because hunger more than of COVID-19.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
RAKSHIT MADAN BAGDE

Our country adopted democracy on January 27, 1950. Political democracy is the system of government formed by electing the people's representatives by the majority. If the foundation of political democracy is not social democracy, it will not last. Gautama Buddha's philosophy provides the values of freedom, equality, brotherhood, and justice. Apart from this, for the development of the whole human being, the solution of eradicating misery and misery from this world is the principle of Arya Ashtangikmarga. So social democracy can be established through the socialism of the Buddha. On this Dr. Ambedkar believed.Another democracy is needed for human life to be happy. That is economic democracy. Establishing economic democracy through state socialism is Dr. Ambedkar's main objective was. He said that there should be a provision for socialism in the state constitution itself. Ambedkar had an opinion. On August 29, 1947, Dr. Ambedkar was elected as the Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Constitution. He said that even though he was against the incident, he could not incorporate state socialism due to the opposition of other members.He said that the heterogeneous caste system in India would not allow the creation of an egalitarian economy of landlords and industrialists. As Ambedkar was aware, his role was to ensure that it did not take long for the provisions of state socialism to be implemented for more than ten years after the implementation of the constitution.


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