scholarly journals France, Russia, China: A Structural Analysis of Social Revolutions

1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theda Skocpol
Keyword(s):  
Structural Analysis ◽  
Social Structure ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic Revolution ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Masses ◽  
New Social Order

'A revolution', writes Samuel P. Huntington in Political Order in Changing Societies, 'is a rapid, fundamental, and violent domestic change in the dominant values arfd myths of a society, in its political institutions, social structure, leadership, and government activities and policies'.1 In The Two Tactics of Social Democracy in the Democratic Revolution, Lenin provides a different, but complementary perspective: 'Revolutions', he says, 'are the festivals of the oppressed and the exploited. At no other time are the masses of the people in a position to come forward so actively as creators of a new social order'.

Elitism in Democracy

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Stephen Graves
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Entire Group ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
Du Bois ◽  
The People ◽  
The Common ◽  
Normative Consensus ◽  
The Masses

Abstract The concept of the common good represents those resources that are good for an entire group as a whole, or what preserves what the people or inhabitants of the national community have in common. The “good” are those things that benefit the community as a whole; lead to the protection, sustainment, and improvement of the community. Theorists agree that it is the ultimate end of government; the good of all its citizens and void of special interests. Theories of the common good are discussed in this paper with implications regarding the shortcomings of democratic political institutions and structures. The theoretical framework provided by the political thought of W. E. B. Du Bois and Friedrich Nietzsche are used to critically examine the idea of the common good in contemporary democratic societies. Du Bois sought an objective truth that could dispel once and for all the irrational prejudices and ignorances that stood in the way of a just social order for African Americans. Nietzsche’s political theory was primarily concerned with disdain for democracy and the need for Aristocratic forms and social ordering. He was skeptical that with the demise of religion, it would be possible to achieve an effective normative consensus in society at large which is needed to legitimize government authority. Both theorists agree that the exceptional and great individuals are few in society and should govern in favor of the masses. Based on their example, this paper argues that both authors are suggesting an Epistocratic form of government where those with political knowledge are privileged.

Social identification with the “Yellow Vests”: An exploratory study in France.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathilde Barbier ◽  
Grégory Lo Monaco ◽  
Sylvain Delouvée
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Exploratory Study ◽  
Moral Economy ◽  
Social Identification ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
Conspiracy Theories ◽  
The People ◽  
Full Swing ◽  
New Social Order

The present study was carried out in December, 2018 and aimed at exploring the “Yellow Vests” movement when the revolts were in full swing. It involved 260 French participants (Mage = 42.9 years, SDage 14.6, Min = 18 to Max = 88). Results confirmed our hypotheses. The people who most identified with the “Yellow Vests” are those who perceive the system to be less fair and more illegitimate, and who express more dissatisfaction with the democratic regime and are generally more politically cynical. They feel more alienated and affirm that they would be more likely to resort to violence in order to introduce a new social order. They adhere more to conspiracy theories. Finally, we found greater identification of the “Yellow Vests” with extreme compared to moderate political parties. We discuss these results from the defence of the moral economy principle.

scholarly journals The Theology of Struggle

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-92
Author(s):  
Lisa Asedillo
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Popular Education ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
New Creation ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
Collective Commitment ◽  
Sacramental Vision ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Popular Writing ◽  
New Social Order

This article explores writing and scholarship on the theology of struggle developed by Protestants and Catholics in the Philippines during the 1970s-90s. Its focus is on popular writing—including pamphlets, liturgical resources, newsletters, magazines, newspaper articles, conference briefings, songs, popular education and workshop modules, and recorded talks—as well as scholarly arguments that articulate the biblical, theological, and ethical components of the theology of struggle as understood by Christians who were immersed in Philippine people’s movements for sovereignty and democracy. These materials were produced by Christians who were directly involved in the everyday struggles of the poor. At the same time, the theology of struggle also projects a “sacramental” vision and collective commitment towards a new social order where the suffering of the masses is met with eschatological, proleptic justice—the new heaven and the new earth, where old things have passed away and the new creation has come. It is within the struggle against those who deal unjustly that spirituality becomes a “sacrament”—a point and a place in time where God is encountered and where God’s redeeming love and grace for the world is experienced.

scholarly journals White Blotches on Brown Skin: A Post-colonial Critique of "The Writing on My Forehead"

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (I) ◽  
pp. 164-186
Keyword(s):  
Western Culture ◽  
Colonial Literature ◽  
Minor Characters ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Western Influence ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Impact

The formal colonial rule of Britain ended seven decades ago but the experience deeply influenced the minds of the masses and altered their lives and psyche for a long time to come. Post-colonial issues such as loss of identity, hybridity, otherness, appropriation, etc are frequently highlighted by the Anglophone writers of the sub-continent. The authors of Pakistani descent have contributed remarkably to post-colonial literature. The present research aims to analyze Nafisa Haji’s novel The Writing on My Forehead (2009) to investigate the Western influence on the minds and behaviors of the people of the subcontinent. Homi K. Bhabha's analytical lens (1994) is the primary guide for this research. Three elements of hybridity, namely mimicry, ambivalence, and unhomeliness, as proposed by Bhabha are explored. The concepts of diaspora and othering in the work under discussion are also briefly touched. This research is qualitative and descriptive in nature. The results of the detailed textual analysis indicate that various characters are hybrids of East and West. The phenomena of ambivalence and mimicry can be clearly observed in their conduct and thinking. The most important characters in this regard are Saira, Adeeba (also known as Big Nanima), and Kasim who openly mimic the Western culture. Minor characters like Adeeba’s parents and Shabana, though averse to Western culture at the surface level, are unconsciously influenced by it. The phenomena of othering, diaspora, and unhomeliness are also briefly touched. In this way, the present study sheds light on the impact of colonialism on the lives of colonial subjects and links it with the continued hegemony of the West over the Easterners. It will be helpful for students, teachers and researchers who wish to study Haji’s fiction and the impact of the phenomenon of colonialism.

scholarly journals The Soviet Occupation of Afghanistan

1986 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-297
Author(s):  
Mushtaqur Rahman
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Muslim World ◽  
Not Given ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
The West ◽  
Soviet Occupation ◽  
The People ◽  
The World ◽  
Oil Flow ◽  
New Social Order

ISLAM is as natural to the people of Afghanistan as the air they breathe.Any system repugnant to Islam or the introduction of alien forces to introducea new social order has always been resisted by the Afghans. The presentAfghan-Soviet war is one such story.The war is a matter of vital importance because its outcome will immenselyaffect Pakistan, Iran, and the rest of the Muslim world. It will also upset thebalance of power between the West and the Soviets, and might change thedirection of oil flow. It is curious that the war is not given the support orattention it deserves, in spite of its global ramifications. The West perhapsignores the war as Afghanistan is far removed from the Western mainstream,and its impact is not generally understood because the Afghan Mujahideenlack a sophisticated network of information. Moreover, the Soviets continuemisleading the world by claiming the war is only a law and order problembetween the Afghan government and a handful of “bandits” encouraged fromoutside.The war is neither a law and order matter nor its impact hard to realize.Afghan Mujahideen are fighting the Soviets to force them out of Afghanistan,and the Soviets are trying to hold on using biological, chemical, and othersophisticated weapons. In spite of enormous destruction and genocide, theAfghan Mujahideen are determined to fight to the last, and so apparently arethe Soviets to consolidate their occupation of Afghanistan. This paper presentsan analysis of the war and its impact on Pakistan, the Muslim world, andthe West from a geopolitical standpoint. A brief discussion of Afghanistanexplains the former status of Afghanistan as a buffer state first between theRussians and the British and later between the Soviets and Pakistan.Modern Afghanistan dates back to 1747 when Ahmad Shah Durrani tookover reins of that country. More or less during the same time, the British ...

scholarly journals THE POLITICAL AMBIGUITY OF LATIN AMERICAN POPULAR RELIGION

2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-33
Author(s):  
Néstor O. Míguez
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Slave Trade ◽  
Popular Religion ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Experiences ◽  
The People ◽  
Popular Religiosity ◽  
The Masses

This article will present some historical cases, some ancient, some very recent, of how such ambiguity of the religious forces and popular religiosity has played in Latin America. Through this case we will analyze how and why in “the popular” the same cultural phenomena can play sometimes a very conservative role, and then, in others, turn into a menacing power to the traditional social order. On one hand, it is a way in which conservative hegemony has captured the potential and will of the masses and used it to domesticate its claims (opium of the people). But in other cases it has stimulated the dreams and hopes, and has provided unexpected vitality to the people in their search for justice and better living conditions. The traditional aboriginal (pre-conquest) religions and worldviews, as well as new religious experiences brought by the slave trade and migrations sometimes provided myths and images that reinforced the liberating thrust of religious forces.

scholarly journals Olha Buturlimova. British Labour Party in the 1920s: the electoral competition

2018 ◽  
pp. 113-128
Author(s):  
Olha Buturlimova
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Media Technologies ◽  
The People ◽  
Election Manifestos ◽  
British Labour ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
New Social Order

The article examines the processes of growth of the British Labour Party in the early XXth century. The reasons of Labour Party’s success on parliamentary and municipal elections in the 1920s have been analyzed. The main attention is paid to the party’s activities in constituencies and analysis of Labour Party General Election Manifestos, General Elections Results and other statistic data. The relations between the Labour Party and churches in Great Britain have also been investigated. The support of the Anglican Church and denominations in Great Britain gave the Labour Party some votes but they lost some votes of believers in the next election in 1924 because of Labour government’s failure to acknowledge Bolshevik persecution of the Christians in the USSR. The Labour attempts to win the countryside were also not so fruitful. It is emphasized that 1918 was the turning point in the formation of the Labour Party as mass, widely represented and influential parliamentary party. The reorganization of the Labour party in 1918, Representation of the People Act (1918), adoption of the “Labour and the New Social Order” party constitution have proved to be favorable for its further evolution. But some difficulties such as conflicts between left and right views in the party, absence of convincing majority, black mass-media technologies from political opponents and problems in economics of the country, seriously influenced on its abilities to win success in 1920-s.

scholarly journals राज्यसमाजवाद आणि कल्याणकारी राज्य

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
RAKSHIT MADAN BAGDE
Keyword(s):  
Moral Motivation ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Security Measures ◽  
Economic Prosperity ◽  
View Planning ◽  
The People ◽  
Poverty And Inequality ◽  
Scheduled Castes ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Masses

Dr. Ambedkar believed that for India's economic prosperity, the emphasis should be on the eradication of poverty and inequality and the freedom from exploitation of the masses. In his writings and speeches during the 1930s and 1940s and for some years to come, he emphasized the need to free the masses from exploitation. Dr. Ambedkar wanted socialism, but he did not like traditional socialism. From their point of view, planning should be done with more focus on the financial security of the working and exploited class. Moral motivation must be in the people, and all the wealth they have earned through their labor must be shared equally. Dr. Ambedkar published a pamphlet in 1947 entitled States and Minorities. It covers basic rights, minority rights, and security measures for Scheduled Castes.

scholarly journals GLOBALIZATION AND THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACY

1999 ◽  
pp. 276-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Markoff
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Electoral Institutions ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
The People ◽  
Late Eighteenth ◽  
The Future ◽  
Democratic Revolution

Writing on the eve of the democratic breakthrough of the late eighteenth century, Jean-Jacques Rousseau gave vivid voice to a critique of the political institutions across the Channel that were admired by so many French reformers of the day. Commenting scornfully on British electoral practice, he observed in 1762 that:"The people of England regards itself as free, but it is gravely mistaken. It is free only during the election of Parliament. As soon as they are elected, slavery overtakes it, and it is nothing. The use it makes of the short moments of liberty it enjoys merits losing them." Rousseau's contention about the limitations of electoral institutions was in no way superseded by the age of democratic revolution that followed. From the 1790s to the present, there have been recurrent complaints about the depth of popular involvement in political life, the reality of popular control over powerholders, and the possibility that the existence of some form of institutional channel for participation could blind publics to the inadequacy of that participation. Rousseau's critique has repeatedly reappeared in one form or another and has informed movements for a more genuine democratization.

scholarly journals ENVIRONMENTALLY FRIENDLY REPRODUCTION AND PRODUCT IN CULTIVATION OF A NEW SOCIAL ORDER

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Shedyakov
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Environmentally Friendly ◽  
Green Economy ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Social Foundations ◽  
Private Interests ◽  
The People ◽  
Complex Development ◽  
Business Entities ◽  
New Social Order

The aim of the work is to analyse the range of possibilities for environmentally friendly reproduction not so much as a separate direction (in particular, the green economy), but as a pivotal direction of structural transformations on a paradigmatic scale. The emphasis on the characteristics of nature similarity, friendliness, mutual interest, tolerance, equality, and equivalence is recorded as an important element of global and national changes. Close entry into local communities and respect for their value-sense complexes becomes an element of the convergence strategy. The formation of a social order that cultivates environmentally friendly reproduction is closely related to the unity of public and private interests, mechanisms of partnership and acts as the foundation of social state with power (in particular, government) responsible to the people. The methodology of both research and presentation of material integrates an abstract-theoretical approach with a concrete-historical one. The cultivation of the green economy is associated not only with the necessary increase in the competitiveness of products, but also with an inalienable change in the entire way of life, the formation of a new social order (including in the economy). The complex development of the environment for interaction of business entities is also considered as a significant factor in national, regional and international security, and the focus on environmentally friendly reproduction and products as a promising direction of integration. Protection of domestic producers of goods and services, creators of tangible and intangible products is an important area of ensuring real economic sovereignty and promoting national interests. The growth of measures of pro-social development and the realization of the giftedness of the population in creative (primarily, scientific and intellectual) activities is becoming an indispensable necessity for organic socio-economic development. The organic nature of changes requires being based on both global and own patterns and peculiarities, their basic value-sense complexes and traditions, social foundations and political forms. Accordingly, the search for alternative dominant models of a combination of reasonable individual initiative and state regulation, based on broad theoretical and methodological research and explicit applied sound, is especially in demand when the paradigmatic level changes. On the contrary, training (often outdated and non-working) fragments of Western social science does not galvanize the socio-political corpse of a fading social paradigm. Such attempts especially clearly demonstrate their inconsistency when the practical-theoretical paradigm is changed, when attempts to apply clichés from the rump of the conceptual apparatus of Western modernity are not able to confirm their practical truth, to justify the use of terminology. Successful overcoming of the next evolutionary barrier and overcoming the contours of tension requires the development of adequate theoretical and practical tools. The postponement of urgent changes due to the global epidemic was not only additionally updated, but also increased the degree of their public relevance. Latently, there is the cultivation of new tools, the development of the opening opportunities for the formation of a higher moral order of environmentally friendly means of self-realization and cooperation: by no means only technical and technological, but also socio-economic and financial too.

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