‘ARE YOU PLANTING TREES OR ARE YOU PLANTING PEOPLE?’ SQUATTER RESISTANCE AND INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE MAKING OF A KENYAN POSTCOLONIAL POLITICAL ORDER (c. 1963–78)

2015 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
KARA MOSKOWITZ

AbstractThis article examines squatter resistance to a World Bank-funded forest and paper factory project. The article illustrates how diverse actors came together at the sites of rural development projects in early postcolonial Kenya. It focuses on the relationship between the rural squatters who resisted the project and the political elites who intervened, particularly President Kenyatta. Together, these two groups not only negotiated the reformulation of a major international development program, but they also worked out broader questions about political authority and political culture. In negotiating development, rural actors and political elites decided how resources would be distributed and they entered into new patronage-based relationships, processes integral to the making of the postcolonial political order.

2018 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Takaaki Masaki

Abstract:This article utilizes a newly available dataset on the geographical distribution of development projects in Zambia to test whether electoral incentives shape aid allocation at the subnational level. Based on this dataset, it argues that when political elites have limited information to target distributive goods specifically to swing voters, they allocate more donor projects to districts where opposition to the incumbent is strong, as opposed to districts where the incumbent enjoys greater popularity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-115
Author(s):  
Yulia Sepreninova ◽  
Inna Makarenko ◽  
Alex Plastun ◽  
Angela Babko ◽  
Gunnay Gasimova

This article summarizes the existing approaches to investigating instruments of responsible investments in the health care system in Europe and in United States. The main research’s purpose is to identify existing instruments of responsible investment under funding Sustainable Development Goal 3: ‘Good health and well-being’. Systematization of scientific sources and approaches on the investigated issue showed no unique approach to forming a list of responsible investment instruments to finance health and well-being in Europe and United States. Hence, existing approaches vary by risk, return, suitability for financing, and so on. Therefore, the analysis and generalization of existing approaches and investigating their implementation-related practical features are the relevant scientific problem. The research’s object is the health care financing approaches of the generally recognized organizations such as the Financial Initiative for Biodiversity under the United Nations Development Program, the United States Agency for International Development and the World Bank (Biodiversity Finance Initiative United Nation Development Program, USAID, World Bank). The authors noted that these organizations contributed greatly to provide funding for these projects at the global level. For gaining the research’s goal, this study was conducted in the following logical sequence. Firstly, the authors characterized the Biofin financial decisions in health care under the United Nations Development Program. Secondly, the study systematized the U.S. Agency for International Development financing approaches regarding the Sustainable Development Goal 3. Then, the authors generalized the practical directions towards realizing the mentioned above instruments while digging into the World Bank responsible investment activity regarding health care. The study suggested the typology method to identify the key criteria for classifying responsible investment instruments. In turn, the mapping method was used to generalize the scientific background concerning health care finance. Therefore, the findings could help scientists further develop and unify the classification of responsible investment instruments regarding sustainable development and health care financing based on EU and US experience. Moreover, the obtained results enrich the existing global approaches in funding the national health care system and reaching the established Sustainable Development Goals 3 ‘Good health and well-being’.


2002 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-121
Author(s):  
Ade Kunle Amuwo

Abstract:The academic political scientists—mainly professors—who were hired by the Babangida military government in Nigeria between 1985 and 1993, ostensibly to theorize and articulate a new political culture and morality through the political transition program (PTP), have been objects, both then and ever since, of serious criticism concerning their role and contribution to a program that promised much but delivered little or nothing. The major criticism is that the political scientists, despite an initial commitment to help the military fashion a new political order, lost their “science” by providing an intellectual cover for the general's schemes and enriched the “political,” including the politics of corruption and self-enrichment. We examine this critique and show that these individuals, by choosing to remain in office—if not in power—even after witnessing so many broken promises by the regime, tarnished their intellectual integrity and moral credibility. Appointed to serve as an instrument of legitimization for the regime, they contained, constricted, and shrank the political and intellectual space rather than facilitating intellectual and democratic empowerment.


T oung Pao ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 97 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 1-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas Skonicki

AbstractThis article focuses on the political thought of the Song-dynasty Chan monk Qisong (1007-1072). In opposition to earlier studies, which have tended to view Qisong's political theorizing simply as an offshoot of his philosophical syncretism, it is contended here that his political arguments played an important role in his refutation of the Ancient-style Learning movement's attacks against Buddhism. As is well known, several Song-dynasty proponents of Ancient-style Learning impugned Buddhism for the negative impact it exerted on Chinese social and political culture. Qisong responded to their attacks by crafting a comprehensive political theory, which sought to demonstrate not only that Ancient-style Learning thinkers had misunderstood the dao and proper governance, but also that Buddhist institutions were indispensable to the creation of political order.


2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taras Kuzio

In contrast to Russian studies, the study of crime and corruption in Ukraine is limited to a small number of scholarly studies while there is no analysis of the nexus between crime and new business and political elites with law enforcement (Kuzio, 2003a,b). This is the first analysis of how these links emerged in the 1990s with a focus on the Donbas (Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts) and the Crimea, two regions that experienced the greatest degree of violence during Ukraine’s transition to a market economy. Donetsk gave birth to the Party of Regions in 2001 which has become Ukraine’s only political machine winning first place plurality in three elections since 2006 and former Donetsk Governor and party leader Viktor Yanukovych was elected president in 2010 (Zimmer, 2005; Kudelia and Kuzio, 2014). Therefore, an analysis of the nexus that emerged in the 1990s in Donetsk provides the background to the political culture of the country’s political machine that, as events have shown since 2010 and during the Euro-Maydan, is also the party most willing in Ukraine to use violence to achieve its objectives.


2014 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan K. Miller

AbstractDescriptions of the political order of the Xiongnu empire rely heavily upon Chinese historical narratives and, as a result, often simplify steppe politics and gloss over provincial political agents. This paper therefore discusses the entire spectrum of “kings” and regional elites in the steppes in order to elucidate shifting power politics over the course of the Xiongnu empire. Furthermore, a comparison of historical dynamics with the archaeological record suggests that competition from local leaders against the ruling factions spurred changes in material regimes of the imperial political culture, leading to a bifurcation of the steppe elite and pronounced expressions of authority.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 44
Author(s):  
Shu Qi

Puritan ideas and ethics are not only the cradle of the mainstream political culture in America, but also the ideological source of the African American political culture. However, what was the significance of puritanism for the emergence of early political ideas among black American? To answer the question, it is necessary to delve into the meaning of puritanism to the political culture of the black American. This paper will elaborate on the crucial role of puritanism in the formation of black political culture in America from three aspects, that is, establishing a close relationship between puritanism and African American political culture. In order to understand it profoundly, three relationships will be established and explained. Respectively, the first one is to establish the relationship between Puritan idea especially the concept of equality and African American political idea; the second one is to establish the relationship between Puritan life and African American political elites; the third one is to establish the relationship between Puritan ethical spirits and moral norms and African American self-consciousness. More specifically, First of all, the germination of the early political ideas of African American was based on Puritan ideas; Secondly, Puritan life was the cradle of the growth of black political elites; Finally, the Puritan ethical spirit, such as diligence and frugality, diligence and hard work, tidiness and cleanliness, decent behavior and other basic behavioral norms, had a deep influence on the cultivation of the moral behavior norms and the formation of self-consciousness of African American.


Author(s):  
D.H. Robinson

This book advances a new interpretation of the origins of the American Revolution by looking at how conceptions of Europe and Europeanness shaped British-American political culture. It reconstructs colonial debates about the European states system and European civilization, and Britain’s position within both. From this basis, it shows how these concerns informed colonial attitudes towards American identity and America’s place inside—and, ultimately, outside—the emerging British Empire. The book explores the way in which colonists inherited and adapted Anglo-British traditions of thinking about international politics, how they navigated imperial politics during the European wars of 1740–63, and how the burgeoning patriot movement negotiated the dual crisis of Europe and Empire in the period between 1763 and 1775. In the process, it sheds new light on the development of public politics in colonial America, the anglicization/Americanization debate, the political economy of empire, the place of art and poetry in political culture, the interplay of history and prophecy with identity, eighteenth-century geopolitical thinking, and the relationship between international affairs and revolution. What emerges from this story is an imperial crisis and an American Revolution that seem both decidedly arcane and strikingly relevant to the political challenges of the twenty-first century.


2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 403-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
CAROLIEN STOLTE

AbstractThis paper traces a set of interlinked Asianist networks through the activities of Mahendra Pratap, an Indian revolutionary exile who spent the majority of his life at various key anti-imperialist sites in Asia. Pratap envisioned a unified Asia free from colonial powers, but should be regarded as an anti-imperialist first and a nationalist second—he was convinced that India's independence would materialize naturally as a by-product of a federated Asia. Through forging strategic alliances in places as diverse as Moscow, Kabul, and Tokyo, he sought to achieve his goal of a united ‘Pan-Asia’. In his view, Pan-Asia would be the first step towards a world federation, in which all the continents would become provinces in a new world order. His thought was an intricate patchwork of internationalist ideas circulating in the opening decades of the twentieth century, and his travels and political activities are viewed in this context. Pratap's exploration of the relationship between the local, the regional, and the global, from an Asian perspective, was one of many ways in which Asian elites and non-elites challenged the legitimacy of the political order in the interwar years.


Author(s):  
Anna Clayfield

The introduction challenges the widely held view in Western scholarship that the supposed “militarization” of the Cuban Revolution is key to understanding its longevity. While the pervasiveness of the armed forces in revolutionary Cuba is hard to refute, this chapter argues that it is the Revolution’s guerrilla origins, rather than its “militarism,” that partly explains its survival and the political authority of its leaders. Specifically, it is the promotion of a guerrilla ethos in the Revolution’s official, hegemonic discourse that, through the creation of a new political culture since 1959, has afforded historic legitimacy to the ex-guerrilla fighters in power. This chapter explains how the author, through discourse analysis, draws on the works of Michel Foucault and Norman Fairclough to examine a range of texts that span the Revolution’s six decades in power. This analysis reveals a consistent endorsement of the values and attributes associated with the guerrilla fighter, a phenomenon introduced here as guerrillerismo.


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