scholarly journals Smuggling India: Deconstructing Western India's Illicit Export Trade, 1818–1870

2015 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 685-704
Author(s):  
KATE BOEHME

AbstractIn the 1800s it was not only merchants from British India who participated in the expanding trade with China, but also those from the princely states who sought to profit from the increased demand for cash crops. Smuggling—just as most commercial activities unsanctioned by the Bombay Government were labelled—was a source of great anxiety for the colonial authorities in India, especially in the western territories. This article looks at smuggling activity in and around the Bombay Presidency during the first half of the nineteenth century. It will assert that local ‘smuggling’ was, in many cases, the continuation of pre-colonial trade relations, labelled as illegal as a result of ill-defined boundaries and ambiguous legal restrictions. In fact, the success of these activities was less a reflection of widespread criminality than structural weaknesses in the colonial administration. Evidence suggests that British anxieties over smuggling had a greater effect on the political economy of western India than the actual financial damage caused by the illicit trade. The coordinated subversive smuggling network, ultimately, did not exist, and held power largely as a figment of the imperial imagination.

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 651-660 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rabiul Islam ◽  
Ahmad Bashawir Abdul Ghani ◽  
Muhammad Fuad Othman ◽  
Laila Suriya Ahmad Apandi

Purpose of the study: The aim of this study was to relate the political economy and its impact on trade and development of economy. One of the currently witnessed changes that strike out the most from previous years is the relatedness of each political economy aspect of the world. The dimension of economy can be found in different problems throughout the world and economy has become the most prioritized aspect in the 21st century. Methodology: The data for this study were obtained from existing literatures on political economy and trade as well. The methodology heavily relied on the existing previous literatures on the subject being dealt with. Results: The findings indicated that the government could decide to intervene in markets with the intention of limiting import or maximizing export. Trade barriers might be applied for the intention of limiting imports such as tariffs, import quotas, native gratified necessities, directorial strategies, and anti-dumping policies. Implications: Protectionist policies are being implemented by country by the means of protecting the local market from international market that might risk the industries inside the nation and might resulted in the depletion of the nation’s sovereignty rate. Protectionist policy can be considered as a barrier towards trade but is essential for the long run local industry.


2022 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Arlo Poletti ◽  
Daniela Sicurelli

European institutions have repeatedly represented the EU as an actor that can use the attractiveness of its market to promote human rights internationally. From this perspective, EU trade sanctions represent a hard power tool to push the government of states accused of major human rights violations to abide by international law. In its reaction to the Rohingya crisis in 2018, despite the European Parliament’s call for the lifting of Myanmar’s trade preferences, the Council of the EU stated that it would rather tackle the problem by taking a “constructive approach” based on dialogue. We provide a political-economy explanation of this choice, making a plausible case that the political pressures from European importers and exporters, not to jeopardise trade relations with Myanmar, prevailed over the demands of European protectionist groups and NGOs advocating a tougher position. The firms interested in maintaining preferential trade relations with Myanmar were primarily motivated by a desire to avoid a disruption of trade and investment links within global value chains (GVCs) so that they could continue competing with Chinese enterprises.


Author(s):  
Robert Travers

The consolidation of political economy as a distinct branch of the science of politics was simultaneous with the expansion and diversification of the overseas British Empire. This new political economy was often regarded as distant from the enterprise of imperial expansion. Political economists criticized the mercantile system of restricted colonial trades and monopoly corporations. This chapter discusses the political economy in relation to the imperial politics in India. It takes into focus the problems of imperial politics in India, the first of which was that the East India Company’s growing empire barely fitted into the notions of a British ‘empire of liberty’ which was perceived to be ‘commercial, Protestant, maritime, and free’; and the second was the British ignorance of and lack of sympathy for local customs and manners. In the chapter, the British theorists James Steuart and Adam Smith are closely examined. Both addressed the emerging empire of British India as a dilemma in political economy. Their thinking on Indian affairs posed challenges to the Company rule in India, but at the same time offered theoretical and conceptual resources for the unpopular Company government.


2009 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
CLAUDE MARKOVITS

AbstractThis article looks at the political economy of opium smuggling in India in the first decades of the nineteenth century, in particular in relation to Sindh, one of the last independent polities in the subcontinent. After a description of the smuggling of ‘Malwa’ opium (grown in the princely states of Central India) into China—in defiance of the monopoly of the East India Company over ‘Bengal’ or ‘Patna’ opium, grown in Bihar—it considers the role of Indian merchants and capitalists in its emergence and development, and critiques the argument put forward in a recent book by Amar Farooqi that it represented both a form of ‘subversion’ and that it contributed decisively to capital accumulation in Western India. This article concludes by analysing the role of the opium trade in integrating Sindh into the British imperial trading system, arguing that it was more effective in boosting Empire than in nurturing indigenous capitalism in India.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (6) ◽  
pp. 64-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Cristina Pereira de Melo ◽  
Jair do Amaral Filho

Sino-Brazilian trade reached record levels in 2010. At the core of this phenomenon was the return to a primary production structure reinforced by the difficulty of diversifying exports of Brazilian manufactures of higher value added and technological content. Brazilian imports have revolved around the acquisition of manufactures similar to the ones produced in Brazil and with a sophisticated technological profile. The results of this trade tie are related to differences in the development agendas of the two countries, especially their industrial policies. Em 2010, o volume do comércio sino-brasileiro ultrapassou níveis anteriormente re-gistrados. O cerne desse fenômeno foi um retorno à estrutura de produção calçada no setor primário. Ademais, esse retorno foi reforçado pela dificuldade em diversificar as exportaçãoes dos manufaturados brasileiros de alto valor agregado e conteúdo tecnológico. As importações brasileiras estão centradas na aquisição de manufaturas similares às produzidas no Brasil e que apresentam um perfil tecnológico sofisticado. Os resultados desses laços comerciais correspondem às diferenças nas agendas de desenvolvimento dos dois países, especialmente suas respectivas políticas industriais.


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