scholarly journals A child of necessity

Pragmatics ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adeyemi Daramola
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Linguistic Features ◽  
Developing Nation ◽  
Inaugural Speech ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Democratic Principles

Nigeria, which is variously described by some people as ‘a geographical expression’, ‘a unique nation’, ‘the giant of Africa’, ‘the most populous black nation on earth’, among several others, had three distinct governments in the year 1993 alone. Against this background of political instability, numerous discourses which should be of interest and significance to linguists, political scientists, historians, social anthropologists and discourse analysts of various persuasions are examined in this work. Notable is the emergence of the metaphorical use of the word child in the farewell speech of the deposed Head-of-State, Chief Ernest Oladeinde Shonekan, when he spoke of the interim regime as ‘a child of circumstance’ and in the inaugural speech of the then new Head-of-State, General Sani Abacha, as ‘a child of necessity’. These expressions were used not only as part of the reasons for either taking up or rather seizing the mantle of leadership but also as descriptive signals both to the state of the nation and the kind of government that they purported to lead. Using articles in some national newspapers, I attempt in this paper a functional-semiotic discourse analysis of the relevant statements, responses and comments on these national, dramatic, political changes. This paper is therefore an analysis of aspects of the linguistic features of discourses engendered by the diverse problematic, economic, socio-cultural and political events within the Nigerian polity and the political implications for putting in place adequate democratic principles in a developing nation.

The Legitimating Power of Discourse

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 256-275
Author(s):  
Mustafa Menshawy
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
The State ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Discursive Construction ◽  
Linguistic Features ◽  
Media Texts ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
Culturally Embedded

Abstract In this article, I examine a corpus of texts that address the 1973 war; these texts cover the period from 1981 to 2011, marking the beginning and end of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. Utilizing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), I explore how Mubarak’s regime employed the war to legitimize its power and defend its policies by deploying longstanding culturally-embedded ‘macro themes’. These macro themes refer to the war as an overwhelming and undisputed ‘Egyptian victory’ and, more significantly, they portray Mubarak himself as ‘war personified/war personalized’. The analysis of linguistic and extra-linguistic features in al-Ahram newspaper (the mouthpiece of the state), among other media texts on the war, show how the discursive construction was made consistent, coherent and resonant in a managed context that characterized the political and media landscapes. Depending on unique access to those who produced, edited and even censored the texts under analysis, this method unravels a complex set of cultural messages and conventions about the war, and fills a lacuna in the literature by offering insight into the deliberate and well-coordinated process of shaping and reshaping a specific discourse for a specific purpose.

The State and the Rule of Law

1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zoll
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The Law ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The One ◽  
Real Chance

The changes brought about in Poland and elsewhere in Europe by the fall of Communism have given rise to hopes for the establishment of a political system differing from the one which had been the fate of these countries. In place of totalitarianism, a new political system is to be created based on the democratic principles of a state under the rule of law. The transformation from totalitarianism to democracy is a process which has not yet been completed in Poland and still requires many efforts to be made before this goal may be achieved. One may also enumerate various pitfalls jeopardising this process even now. The dangers cannot be avoided if their sources and nature are not identified. Attempts to pervert the law and the political system may only be counteracted by legal means if the system based on the abuse of the law has not yet succeeded in establishing itself. Resistance by means of the law only has any real chance of success provided it is directed against attempts to set up a totalitarian system. Once the powers which are hostile to the state bound by the rule of law take over the institutions of the state, such resistance is doomed to failure.

scholarly journals Political will is a required condition effective combating corruption.

2020 ◽  
pp. 359-365
Author(s):  
Kvasha Oksana
Keyword(s):  
Political Influence ◽  
The State ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Will ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Government

Effective counteraction to corruption at all levels is not possible without the symbiosis of such components as influencing the causes and conditions of corruption, creating systemic anti-corruption legislation, its effective application to all without exception manifestations of corruption in all levels of state power. However, such a symbiosis can only produce a positive result if the political will of the state leadership is available. I would call it a "conditio sine qua non" (a condition without which there is) overcoming corruption in the country, because in Latin "conditio sine qua non" means "a necessary condition", a necessary condition for the result. Political will in combating corruption is not only the will of the political leader (head of state) as an individual, but also the will of individuals from his immediate environment. Only political will is capable of ensuring the effectiveness of all other necessary components of counteracting corruption. The political will of the leadership of the state is a conditio sine qua non of minimizing corruption in the country, that is, a condition without which effective counteraction to corruption and corruption crime in Ukraine is impossible. The presence of political will is a prerequisite in the chain of others who are not capable of effectively preventing the spread of corruption in the absence of political will of the government. No other political conditions, economic, social or legislative levers will succeed in reducing corruption. Therefore, a promising direction for further research on this issue is the development of a scientifically sound mechanism for political influence of the government on the effectiveness of anti-corruption measures in Ukraine.

scholarly journals From Legibility to Eligibility: Politics, Subsidy and Productivity in Rural Asia

2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Walker
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Agricultural Sector ◽  
Agricultural Productivity ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Productivity Improvement ◽  
Rural People ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractThroughout Asia, the relationship between the state and the rural sector has shifted from taxation to subsidy. The political tussles over subsistence between resistant peasants and taxing states, eloquently described by James Scott, have been replaced by a more affluent political dynamic focussed on subsidy and productivity. This article explores this transformation by means of a comparative study of Thailand and South Korea. Like many other countries, Thailand and South Korea have followed the path from taxation to subsidy but Thailand has never successfully addressed its legacy of low agricultural productivity. Contemporary South Korean agriculture, by contrast, is a result of a century-long investment in productivity improvement, in both its taxation and subsidy phases. The interaction between government policy and agricultural productivity has important political implications. Whereas South Korea has made a successful democratic transition and achieved a broad consensus on support for the agricultural sector, Thailand has failed to effectively manage the contemporary dilemmas of exchange between rural people and the state.

scholarly journals Η «επιβουλή» του Ρωμανού Βοΐλα. Μία μορφή πρόληψης συνωμοσίας στα μέσα του 11ου αιώνα

2008 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Σταυρούλα ΧΟΝΔΡΙΔΟΥ
Keyword(s):  
Eleventh Century ◽  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Imperial Power ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Way

  <p>Stauroula Hondridou</p><p>The plot of Romanus Boïlas: A Type of Concpiracy Prevention in the Mid-Eleventh Century</p><p> </p><p>Conspiracy was not rare during the long-lived history of Byzantium. Accordingly, the plot of Romanus Boïlas against Constantine IX Monomachos, in the middle of the 11th century, would not have been of great interest, if the way by which the Byzantine emperor handled it did not render it an event worth to investigate.</p><p>According to the sources, Romanus Boïlas served Monomachos' bodyguard battalions, when he acquainted the emperor. Soon, he rose in the state hierarchy and became politically powerful, a fact that enabled him to conspire against the throne. His plot was revealed before his attempting to assassinate the emperor and was himself arrested. However, during the trial Monomachos tried to acquit Boïlas by claiming the offender's naiveté and honesty. After the deliberations, Monomachos honoured Boïlas with a symposium, while Boïlas abettors were arrested, tortured, deprived of their property and exiled.</p><p>Byzantine historiographers interpret Monomacho's peculiar reaction as the result of his dependency on Boïlas, whom they consider as the emperor's buffoon, although the Emperor was in his hands a weak-willed tool.</p><p>Nevertheless, the thorough examination of the sources, the investigation of the two heroes' profiles according to the point of view represented by Byzantine historiographers, and the detailed study of the political events at the time of the conspiracy, lead us to a different conclusion. Thus, Boïlas' plot is not to be seen as a hostile action targeting the central, imperial power, but rather as a means by which the imperial power attempted to control a conspiracy against itself.</p>

scholarly journals Clubs, Parties, Factions

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Walton
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Tax Collection ◽  
Weak State ◽  
The Past ◽  
Legal Limits ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
The French Revolution

Historical debate over the political clubs of the French Revolution over the past two centuries has turned on the question of whether factionalism grew out of their democratic principles or from external circumstances. This chapter suggests that neither ideology nor circumstances can fully account for this radicalization. Instead, the conditions of a ‘weak state’ must be addressed. When authorities were unable or unwilling to implement legislation or to respond to demands coming from society, the clubs often intervened, militating for action to be taken. Tax collection and the crisis of subsistence constituted two crucial issues that the state failed to managed. The clubs, which were divided on these issues, found themselves debating them in a context in which no legal limits on slander (another state weakness) existed. Unchecked calumny poisoned intra and inter-club relations and contributed to factionalism.

Citizenship For Sale?

2017 ◽  
pp. 788-816 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayelet Shachar
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Net Worth ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The World ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Relationship

“There are some things that money can’t buy.” Is citizenship among them? This chapter explores this question by highlighting the core legal and ethical puzzles associated with the surge in cash-for-passport programs. The spread of these new programs is one of the most significant developments in citizenship practice in the past few decades. It tests our deepest intuitions about the meaning and attributes of the relationship between the individual and the political community to which she belongs. This chapter identifies the main strategies employed by a growing number of states putting their visas and passports “for sale,” selectively opening their otherwise bolted gates of admission to the high-net-worth individuals of the world. Moving from the positive to the normative, the discussion then elaborates the main arguments in favor of, as well as against, citizenship-for-sale. The discussion draws attention to the distributive and political implications of these developments, both locally and globally, and identifies the deeper forces at work that contribute to the perpetual testing, blurring, and erosion of the state-market boundary regulating access to membership.

Actorship, parrhesia, and Representation: Remarks on Theatricality and Politics in Hobbes, Rousseau, and Diderot

2018 ◽  
Vol 136 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dieter Thomä
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Distorted Form ◽  
The Way

AbstractThis paper addresses the strained relationship between parrhesia and actorship and analyzes its political implications. These two terms seem to be antipodes: parrhesia emphasizes the presence of a speaker or author whereas actorship deploys representation. As their relation can be explained by means of the concept of representation it is worthwhile considering the two settings in which representation matters: theater and politics. These settings will be explored in case studies on Hobbes’s, Rousseau’s, and Diderot’s accounts of parrhesia and actorship. Hobbes dismisses parrhesiastic freedom, minimalizes political authorship and favors a model of representation featuring a peculiar, powerful actor: the State. Rousseau criticizes actorship and representation, and seeks to re-install the people as sovereign author. This author is equipped with a strangely distorted form of parrhesia. Diderot takes neither Hobbes’s nor Rousseau’s side. He hints at the political potential of the author-actor relationship and paves the way to a revised notion of parrhesia.

Discourse and strategic continuity from Gorbachev through Putin

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard D. Anderson
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Repression ◽  
Mikhail Gorbachev ◽  
Electoral Fraud ◽  
Political Center ◽  
Boris Yeltsin ◽  
General Secretary

Discourse analysis reveals that Mikhail Gorbachev as General Secretary and his successors as Russian presidents have practiced a shared strategy of metaphorical – not spatial – centrism that has gradually slid the state from dictatorship toward democracy. Preservation of a political center for himself and his successors to occupy made it necessary for Boris Yeltsin to dismantle the USSR if elections in Russia were to continue. At the same time, for each successive exponent of this centrist strategy, an attempt to practice democracy without the repellent flaws of electoral fraud and political repression would forgo the strategic advantage of occupying the political center.

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