Genesis of party in Iran: a case study of the interaction between the political system and political parties

AbstractIn this article, by studying the candidate-nomination process of the two major political parties, I show how power is distributed within the political party in Bangladesh. I show that the general acceptance by scholars that political power lies in the hands of the innermost circle of the political-party leadership in Bangladesh is too simplistic. A more nuanced observation of power and influence within the party structure shows that, in the context of Bangladesh's clientelistic political system, which is based on reciprocity between patrons and clients and relies on the ability of middlemen to organize and mobilize (in order to disrupt through hartals and strikes), power is often in the hands of those mid-level leaders who are in charge of mobilizing because their demands cannot be ignored by the topmost leadership. Through studying the candidate-nomination process of the major political parties and using the Narayanganj mayoral election of 2011 as a case study, I answer questions such as whose interests political parties are representing, what channels of influence are being used, and why these channels exist.

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Direct Mayoral Elections in Slovenia and England: Traditions and Trends Compared

Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government ◽

10.4335/13.3.697-718(2015) ◽

2015 ◽

Vol 13 (3) ◽

pp. 697-718 ◽

Cited By ~ 3

Author(s):

Simona Kukovič ◽

Colin Copus ◽

Miro Haček ◽

Alasdair Blair

Keyword(s):

Political Parties ◽

Local Governments ◽

Political System ◽

Local Politics ◽

The Political ◽

Local Democracy ◽

Case Study Analysis ◽

Mayoral Elections ◽

Direct Election

Direct mayoral elections have in recent decades become an important and popular feature of many local governments across Europe. The direct election of the mayor enhances the accountability and transparency of local political leadership and gives voters the opportunity to gain important influence on local politics. This contrasts with councillors who choose the mayor in single-party private settings. This article provides a case study analysis of two directly elected mayors in contrasting political settings, namely England and Slovenia. Whereas England is regarded as the mother of all Parliaments, Slovenia’s democratic traditions are more recent. Yet nonetheless Slovenia displays all the features of a strong local democracy where an independent mayoral system operates within a nonpartisan political setting. By contrast, whereas England provides the longest-standing case of local democracy in Europe, directly elected mayors have only recently been introduced into the political system, the outcome of which has been mixed in terms of successfulness and acceptance by national political parties within municipalities.

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2018 Fiji Election Results: Patterns of Voting by Provinces, Rural-Urban Localities, and by Candidates

The Journal of Pacific Studies ◽

10.33318/jpacs.2020.40(2)-3 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 40 (2) ◽

Author(s):

Haruo Nakagawa

Keyword(s):

Political Parties ◽

Electoral System ◽

Interesting Case ◽

The Political ◽

Quantitative Analyses ◽

Election Results

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.

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Islamic and Jewish Religious Feminists Tackle Islamic and Jewish Oral Law: Maintenance and Rebellion of Wives

Comparative Islamic Studies ◽

10.1558/cis.31497 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 11 (1) ◽

pp. 35-63

Author(s):

Ruth Roded

Keyword(s):

State Policy ◽

Political System ◽

Daily Life ◽

The State ◽

The Political ◽

Jewish Law ◽

Modern Times ◽

Parallel Case ◽

First Time

Beginning in the early 1970s, Jewish and Muslim feminists, tackled “oral law”—Mishna and Talmud, in Judaism, and the parallel Hadith and Fiqh in Islam, and several analogous methodologies were devised. A parallel case study of maintenance and rebellion of wives —mezonoteha, moredet al ba?ala; nafaqa al-mar?a and nush?z—in classical Jewish and Islamic oral law demonstrates similarities in content and discourse. Differences between the two, however, were found in the application of oral law to daily life, as reflected in “responsa”—piskei halacha and fatwas. In modern times, as the state became more involved in regulating maintenance and disobedience, and Jewish law was backed for the first time in history by a state, state policy and implementation were influenced by the political system and socioeconomic circumstances of the country. Despite their similar origin in oral law, maintenance and rebellion have divergent relevance to modern Jews and Muslims.

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JOAQUÍN COSTA I REGENERACJA HISZPANII

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia ◽

10.14746/seg.2018.17.19 ◽

2018 ◽

pp. 359-373

Author(s):

Dominika Gołaszewska-Rusinowska

Keyword(s):

20Th Century ◽

19Th Century ◽

Political System ◽

The Political ◽

Early 20Th Century ◽

Political Movement ◽

Late 19Th Century

This case study focuses on the life and work of Joaquín Costa. He was a Spanish intellectual who in late 19th century and early 20th century started the intellectual and political movement called Regenerationism. This movement emerged in response against the political system of Spanish Restoration.

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Romania thirty years later: from a totalitarian dictatorship to a deep state?

10.31168/2712-8342.2021.2.17 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 254-268

Author(s):

Nikolai N. Morozov

Keyword(s):

Political Parties ◽

Political System ◽

Political Power ◽

Political Process ◽

The Political ◽

Historical Events ◽

Totalitarian Regime ◽

Political Evolution ◽

Deep State

This chapter combines an analysis of the party-political system of post-communist Romania with the impressions of a direct witness to the most important historical events in the country, tracing the political evolution of Romania over the 30 years after the December revolution of 1989, which led to the overthrow of the totalitarian regime of Ceauşescu. A review of political parties and alliances is presented, which may be of practical benefit to researchers working on this period in Romanian history. On the basis of numerous sources and direct interviews with Romanian politicians, some specific characteristics of the political process in the country are identified. An attempt has been made to show the mechanisms of political power that have emerged since the collapse of the former totalitarian system.

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Shintō Shrines and Secularism in Modern Japan, 1890–1945

Journal of Religion in Japan ◽

10.1163/22118349-00602006 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 6 (2) ◽

pp. 128-156

Author(s):

Karli Shimizu

Keyword(s):

Eighteenth Century ◽

Political System ◽

The Political ◽

Nation State ◽

The West ◽

Late Eighteenth Century ◽

Secular Institution ◽

The Government ◽

Academic Discourses

From the late eighteenth century to WWII, shrine Shintō came to be seen as a secular institution by the government, academics, and activists in Japan (Isomae 2014; Josephson 2012, Maxey 2014). However, research thus far has largely focused on the political and academic discourses surrounding the development of this idea. This article contributes to this discussion by examining how a prominent modern Shintō shrine, Kashihara Jingū founded in 1890, was conceived of and treated as secular. It also explores how Kashihara Jingū communicated an alternate sense of space and time in line with a new Japanese secularity. This Shintō-based secularity, which located shrines as public, historical, and modern, was formulated in antagonism to the West and had an influence that extended across the Japanese sphere. The shrine also serves as a case study of how the modern political system of secularism functioned in a non-western nation-state.

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The Strategic Coordination under Quasi-SNTV: A Case Study of Hong Kong

Japanese Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s1468109916000359 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 18 (1) ◽

pp. 155-175

Author(s):

JUDY CHIA YIN WEI

Keyword(s):

Hong Kong ◽

Political Parties ◽

Democratic Party ◽

The Political ◽

Legislative Council ◽

Internal Conflicts ◽

Strategic Coordination ◽

Single List ◽

Better Than

AbstractThis article aims to explore the effects of quasi-SNTV (Single Non-transferable Vote) under the Largest Remainder Proportional Representation (LRPR) in Legislative Council (LegCo) elections in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) after the British handover of 1997. Although the quasi-SNTV results from the inability of political parties to control their candidates, the Democratic Party (DP) and the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB) can obtain more seats in total than they could by coordinating around one single list if they can successfully control their party label and the political camps can coordinate different parties and candidates. The quasi-SNTV in Hong Kong is notable for the strategic coordination found in its alliances, a key aspect that differentiates it from Colombia's quasi-SNTV. The DP's failure can be attributed to its internal conflicts and the lack of coordination among the pro-democracy alliances. In contrast to the democratic camp, which lacks any overriding authority to coordinate different parties and candidates, the pro-China's united front machinery facilitates coordination and helps the DAB perform better than the DP in quasi-SNTV.

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Conditions for new parties’ participation in a founding election in a democratic transition

Party Politics ◽

10.1177/1354068816667387 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 24 (4) ◽

pp. 434-443

Author(s):

Myriam Aït-Aoudia

Keyword(s):

Qualitative Study ◽

Political Parties ◽

Case Studies ◽

Electoral Competition ◽

Analytical Framework ◽

The Political ◽

Democratic Transitions ◽

New Parties ◽

First Time

The literature on democratic transitions considers the participation of new parties in the first pluralist election in a post-authoritarian context (founding election) as something to be taken for granted. As such, it is never questioned. Specialists in democratic transitions ignore the research on “new parties,” which is, nonetheless, essential to the understanding of the particular characteristics of a post-authoritarian situation. Using an original qualitative study on Algeria, this article proposes to bring to light the political, organizational, and legal conditions of new political parties’ participation or nonparticipation in a founding election. In particular, this research allows us to grasp the dilemmas and difficulties faced by leaders of new parties and the types of support on which they rely to engage for the first time in an electoral competition. The analytical framework stemming from this “case study” is applicable to other national case studies.

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The Labor Party in Ulster: Opposition by Cartel

The Review of Politics ◽

10.1017/s0034670500040602 ◽

1967 ◽

Vol 29 (4) ◽

pp. 526-535 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Gerard F. Rutan

Keyword(s):

Great Britain ◽

Northern Ireland ◽

Political Parties ◽

Political System ◽

Party System ◽

Political Socialization ◽

The Other ◽

The Political ◽

Political Society ◽

Political Beliefs

Almost thirty years ago Nicholas Mansergh concluded that the political parties in Northern Ireland did not fulfill the needs of the political system: that (to put his statement in more contemporary terms) the input functions, particularly that of political socialization, were enfeebled to the extent that one party constituted a permanent government while the other became an equally permanent opposition. What is more, underlying the party system and within the political society itself there existed no consensus on fundamentals: “There is no residue of political beliefs—as in Great Britain and the Free State—acceptable to both parties.”

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